NEWS CENTER – Speaking in a special program broadcast on Medya Haber television, Helin Ümit pointed out that the opposition in Turkey called on the Kurds to stand by them by expressing that they are against the Kurds and AKP, “But the Kurdish issue in question is the existence and freedom problem of the Kurds, the situation of those who struggle over it. “When they have a position, they immediately take a worse position than the AKP,” she said.
Pointing out that the genocidal mentality in Turkey should be considered as a whole, Ümit said, “If the AKP-MHP forms one leg (of the genocidal system), the other leg is formed by those who present themselves as opponents, but who actually participate in the Kurdish genocide or appear to be dissidents. There is such a reality in Turkish politics,” she said.
The evaluations made by Helin Ümit on Medya Haber television are as follows:
“First of all, I would like to express once again our love and longing to Leader Apo, our sun of freedom. 27 months are over, we have entered the 28th month. We can’t get any news or information from Leader Apo. In a statement, Asrın Law Office stated that we are going through the most severe period of the isolation imposed upon the Leader. Indeed, this is a very accurate finding.
Those who know how to read the Imrali genocide regime, those who know how to look at it, can read the aims of the Turkish state through it. If we want to understand the reality of Turkey, if we want to understand the politics in Turkey, if we want to understand what is targeted, we need to know how to look towards the Imrali genocide regime. In this sense, they teach a lot, they show a lot. There are many clues not only against the Kurdish people, but also about the principles on which the Turkish state was built, built and policies.
The place where the policies in Turkey are determined is the Imrali genocide regime. Of course, Imrali is also the focus of the resistance and struggle against him. Our Leader’s resistance to the reality of the Genocide is unprecedented in history in Imrali. We insistently draw attention to the regime in Imrali and the practices in Imrali. This does not just refer to the policies on our Leader. This has to be understood correctly.
THE TURKISH STATE SYSTEM IS A GENOCIDE REGIME
If you notice, everyone is trying to define the Turkish state in their own way. Some say the palace regime, some say the dictatorship regime, some say the one-man regime, some say the conspiracy regime, some say the fascist regime. There is a search for definition. What is the system in Turkey? It is clear that it is not democratic, but everyone is trying to define what it is.
The reality here, the reality of the Imrali genocide, reveals that the Turkish state system is a genocidal regime for the Kurds. Because genocide policies are being implemented in Imrali. Without seeing and taking this into account, neither a policy can be produced on behalf of the Kurds, nor a policy can be made in the name of democracy, human rights and freedoms in Turkey, a stance and an attitude can be achieved. This has to be understood.
THE CAPITALIST MODERNITY SYSTEM WAS CAUGHT ON THE IMRALI GENOCIDE REGIME
The second point is that the Imrali genocide regime does not give us data only for Türkiye; it is also possible to read the world system through the Imrali genocide regime. It turns out how fake the world system is. It becomes clear how much it is built on lies and lacks values. There are decisions taken by UN, ECHR and European Union institutions. Now, there is the United Nations’ notification to the Turkish state that Leader Apo should meet with his lawyers without facing any pressure. But this goes no further than a notification. In this sense, today’s world, the world of modernity, the world of capitalist modernity is trying to express itself in the form of human rights, democracy, more freedoms, individual rights and presenting it as an option to the societies, Imrali is caught red-handed over the genocidal regime. There is such a reality that the Imrali genocide regime has told us.
If we try to read the genocidal regime and the policies in Imrali through the situation of the international system and the reality of Turkey, it becomes clear how weak the world system is. In fact, the institutions and structures formed by the capitalist modernist system; For example, it becomes clear how weak the United Nations, the European Union, although it has presented itself as the only option in the world at the moment. Democratic modernity is an option, but it still does not have the desired organization and structure. We define capitalist modernity, European civilization and Western modernity as small islets, as a fragmented, integrated hegemonic system. We also see this when it comes to the reality of the Imrali genocide. There is a world system that is too dispersed to abide by the rules they set and the decisions they make. The Turkish state system also considers this as a vacuum. He’s using this. We always say; It has a structural crisis, it actually needs war, oppression and persecution more at many points in terms of unsustainability. Based on this, fascist regimes in the general world are trying to strengthen their power. The right is on the rise. But the main reason for this is that this crack in the world system stems from the fact that capitalism has become unable to sustain itself. The AKP-MHP fascist regime, both in the region and in Turkey, sees this as an opportunity for itself and evaluates these gaps. Based on this, fascist regimes in the general world are trying to strengthen their power. The right is on the rise. But the main reason for this is that this crack in the world system stems from the fact that capitalism has become unable to sustain itself. The AKP-MHP fascist regime, both in the region and in Turkey, sees this as an opportunity for itself and evaluates these gaps. Based on this, fascist regimes in the general world are trying to strengthen their power. The right is on the rise. But the main reason for this is that this crack in the world system stems from the fact that capitalism has become unable to sustain itself. The AKP-MHP fascist regime, both in the region and in Turkey, sees this as an opportunity for itself and evaluates these gaps.
IT IS THE SELF-FIGHT OF OUR PEOPLE THAT WILL ACTIVATE INSTITUTIONS
When it comes to Turkey, when it comes to the powers that come from the solid power tradition in the Middle East, we come across a fully-fledged, uncontrolled, uncontrollable reality in which law is never in effect. In this sense, the genocidal system continues to recklessly turn to Imrali. The decision conveyed to Turkey by the United Nations Human Rights Committee should be evaluated within this framework. You shouldn’t expect too much. However, these decisions are important. Making these decisions and struggling through them puts more strain on the system. In this sense, it should not be underestimated. As much as possible, it is necessary to raise the struggle in the international arena in order to activate the democratic institutions that have actually emerged with the struggle for democracy in the world, the struggle for unity of the peoples,
But it will be our people’s own struggle that will put these institutions into action. We should not expect from their lawyers, we should not expect serious developments in Imrali. As I said, we should not underestimate, we should never forget. But we need to know that the real struggle will be when the democratic forces, especially the Kurdish people, take action, organize campaigns, reveal moves, get closer to the Leader, and find rich ways and methods to put it into action. If we approach it like this and take the struggle we started for the physical freedom of Leader Apo on this basis to a further stage, then these institutions will have meaning. Then these institutions will have more ownership of these decisions, they will have to leave. Progress will be made on that basis.
LEADING ATTITUDES AS HE WANTED TO INSTRUMENTIZED
First of all, there is resistance in the leadership stance. The Imrali genocide system was established for a specific purpose. What was this? To leave the Kurdish people without a leader, without a leader, to leave them without a head, to render them incapable of thinking, to put them under the control of other powers. In this sense, our Leadership has a defense; If I’m not wrong, it’s to ‘flipping like a chicken with its head cut off’, to advance the genocide process in this way.
Their second aim was this: They were saying, “Can we use it against the Kurdish people by keeping the Leadership hostage, or break the Movement?” You know; The 2002-2004 liquidation process was actually built on this. The leadership was taken prisoner in the reality of the enemy’s Imrali. A policy of instrumentalization was carried out. Throughout all these processes, from the time he was captured in ’99 to the present day, the Leadership has taken steps consciously and consciously, and has taken a stand in 2010. He said it’s game over now. After the hunger strike resistance, the enemy went to the Leader’s feet. They forced a little that they were sincere. But in 2010, the Leadership said; Now this distraction is over, I won’t let myself be used. Now the Leader has such a stance from 2010 to the present. Pay attention, there were selection processes in this past period. I don’t mean just this final selection process. There are local elections before that. They always wanted to instrumentalize the Leadership by putting it into action, but the Leadership took a stand against all of them. Otherwise, the Leadership has a very effective reality that develops a political attitude. However, the Leadership took a stance against the possibility that it could be used against the Kurdish people and the freedom struggle. The stance against this instrumentalization is itself a resistance. Because think about it, let’s say we were out there, there are special war things; people are really confused, right? It’s stunning. Special war attacks continue to confuse the Kurdish people, their youth and women from all sides. The leadership is captive, there is no possibility to follow the media there. There is no letter delivered. The given ones are full of guidance, we know them too. What kind of letters to the leadership, We know what kind of threatening letters were given for psychological warfare purposes. In such an environment of psychological pressure, it is very important for the Leader to decipher this reality. It is this stance of our Leadership that deciphered the Imrali genocide regime and made the reality of the Imrali genocide the weak belly of Turkey. Now everyone knows that all the peoples of the world, everyone is asking and questioning this. International institutions know that such a practice, this reality in Imrali, is not legitimate. Even Merdan Yanardag had to come to that point in Turkey. I don’t think that was his intention. It is this stance of our Leadership that has turned the reality of the Imrali genocide into Turkey’s weak stomach. Now everyone knows that all the peoples of the world, everyone is asking and questioning this. International institutions know that such a practice, this reality in Imrali, is not legitimate. Even Merdan Yanardag had to come to that point in Turkey. I don’t think that was his intention. It is this stance of our Leadership that has turned the reality of the Imrali genocide into Turkey’s weak stomach. Now everyone knows that all the peoples of the world, everyone is asking and questioning this. International institutions know that such a practice, this reality in Imrali, is not legitimate. Even Merdan Yanardag had to come to that point in Turkey. I don’t think that was his intention.
IMRALI SYSTEM CANNOT BE COVERED NO LONGER
Merdan Yanardag’s line is really clear, where he stands is clear. You know, there is no reality in that sense; If Merdan Yanardag says anything about the Imrali genocidal regime, he is making forty insults against our Movement and the Leadership. However, this reality is so burning that the Imrali genocide regime is so indefensible, unsustainable that it seems a little democratic after all, if he says that he defends human rights, the law, I believe there is law in Turkey, then the point he will come to is the point Merdan Yanardag has reached. Merdan Yanardag has reached that point. Otherwise, he did not come to defend Leader Apo, he already makes a lot of explanations worse than his fault. He can’t even stand upright.
He says that there were actually negotiations of the AKP. Galip Ensarioğlu deciphered them. I’m here to expose them and prevent it. Take a look, he says, the AKP was in contact with the PKK or the Leadership.
As a whole, they express the truth they say against the Imrali genocide system. As I said, this is not about his own intentions, but because this system can no longer be covered up. There is a prison system in Turkey, it has a place in law, it has an execution law, it has a functioning. This is not followed in Imrali, he says. He is actually trying to defend Turkey by saying that this is a shame for Turkey. That’s his thing. But when Leader Apo became the reality that existed in Imrali and was held captive, the color of the matter changed.
In fact, that wave has increased a little more recently with the elections. There is a segment that calls itself a democrat, an opponent, says that it is against the AKP, and tries to take a position for itself through opposition to the AKP. They also want to attract the Kurds to their side. They want to attract the Kurdish people and democrats to their side. For this, alicengiz game is played. On the one hand, they say to the Kurds that we are against the AKP, come stand by us. But when it comes to the Kurdish problem, the existence and freedom problem of the Kurds, and the situation and position of those who struggle over it, they immediately take a worse position than the AKP. Here, neither democracy, nor opposition nor opposition can be mentioned. The special war system in Turkey should not be underestimated. His special war is only the AKP’s own trolls, its own press members, We should not think that he is carrying on through his own channels, it is necessary to consider the genocidal mentality in Turkey as a whole. If the AKP-MHP forms one foot, the other foot consists of those who present themselves as opposition, but in essence, participate in the Kurdish genocide or appear to be oppositional. There is such a reality in Turkish politics. That’s why I see this Merdan Volcano as both a player and a victim of this special war game. It was in him, it was part of him. That’s why I see this Merdan Volcano as both a player and a victim of this special war game. It was in him, it was part of him. That’s why I see this Merdan Volcano as both a player and a victim of this special war game. It was in him, it was part of him.
As a Kemalist, as a nationalist, he is against the AKP, he is against the AKP government. But he is also wholeheartedly committed to the Kurdish genocide project that Kemalism built from the ground up. They want it to happen too. Because, as I said, this became much more obvious, especially during the election process. Those who were supposed to be the opposition power quit the job, they fell into a position that gave advice about the Kurds, Kurdish politics, what Kurdish politics should do and what they should do. However, Kurdish politics has a program that defines itself in the field of democratic politics, determines its own roadmap, and reaches through its own organizations. And so far, it has won the Kurdish people despite so many attacks, so much pressure and prohibition. But here is the opposition, those who say they are the opposition against the AKP, but have repeatedly lost elections.
There are three political lines in Turkey; -I mean this in an ideological sense- on the one hand, there is the state, the forces affiliated with the state. In that sense, the AKP and MHP were positioned as the People’s Alliance. Others are positioned as CHP, IYI Party, Deva Party and similar Nation Alliance. But these are all statist solutions. He is following the policies of how can we continue the existing policies of the current Turkish state. They were not parties that put change on their agenda.
NO ONE CAN MAKE THE KURDISH PEOPLE DUE TO THE AKP-MHP SYSTEM
In Turkey, it is the Third Way that represents the main force of change, the democratic republic, the democratic homeland, the democratic nation; Labor and Freedom Alliance. There is such a table. In that sense, something breaks when it comes to the Kurdish question. Everyone chooses their own color. Our definition of “The Kurdish question is the litmus paper of democracy in Turkey”, which we have been expressing for years, – they say, fits into place simply because of it. We can understand who is a true democrat, a real intellectual, by looking at the Kurdish people, their struggle for freedom and existence, and their value system. It is possible to say this easily.
No one can deceive the Kurdish people from now on. He cannot cheat in the guise of a Democrat. Nor can he deceive by saying that he is against the AKP-MHP fascism or the AKP-MHP system or regime.
The AKP-MHP fascist regime has now been exposed. It has no credibility for the Kurds. Go to every Kurdish house today, look at the language of Kurdish mothers, listen; they curse. Because at the time, they supported this AKP because it said it will solve the Kurdish problem, and they remembered it with hope. Now these forces are waging the ugliest, most cursed war. In the name of democracy, in the name of being a friend of the Kurds, in the name of human rights, it is very opportunistic, very ugly to try to deceive the Kurds again, to attract them to their side again, to see them as a vote depot.
Now we have local elections ahead of us. Kurdish democratic politics, or democratic politics in general, exists for the democratization of Turkey. Turkey’s democratization policy is being carried out not only for the solution of the Kurdish problem, but also based on the Kurdish problem. This will bring profit to all the peoples of Turkey, to the workers of Turkey, and to women in Turkey. This is how it should be understood.
Why is Leader Apo in Imrali; Everyone should be asking this. Why is he in Imrali? There is only one reason why Leader Apo is in such harsh conditions; To defend the language of the Kurdish people, to defend the existence of the Kurdish people. The Kurdish people saying that they exist, fighting and fighting for it. But isn’t that the most basic human right? Let’s look at the current constitution, the examples of constitutions in the world. Isn’t it the most basic human right to resist oppression? Isn’t it the most basic legal right? What did our leadership say? He said, “I am condemned to social reality.” If Leader Apo is facing such heavy attacks in the Imrali genocidal regime, it is about his social reality. It is because it demands the existence and freedom of the Kurdish people. Those who say this are real intellectuals. Those who defend this may be real democrats, but those who do not Those who hit and run such a hit cannot avoid being judged as being in the service of special war, special war forces, no matter how well-intentioned, who hit both the shoe and the nail, thus obscuring the clear flowing water. At least not in our view.
THE REALITY OF WITNESS SHOWS US HOW TO BUILD OUR FUTURE
I commemorate my friends who were martyred in June with respect and gratitude. People’s Defense Forces Central Headquarters Command provides regular briefings. I can easily say the following about the state of the war; The month of June was a month in keeping with the name, spirit and style of your friend Zîlan. After the end of the decision of inaction, there were actually successful actions in which active guerrilla action features came into play. Here again, I congratulate our HPG forces and YJA Star forces for their success.
Martyrdoms of war are part of the reality of war. We don’t want anything to happen to a friend’s nail. For us, comradeship is another phenomenon. For us, the guerrilla is the area of free life, the center of free life, the area of new life. We are building the new life with our comrades. In this sense, of course, every martyrdom brings us to this free life, this new life, this new life, to hold on to these new ties stronger and to be more locked in victory. This is true for our entire structure. Martyrs are heavy, their responsibilities are heavy. But the reality of martyrdom pushes us to concentrate more on the communal life that will be established together in a free life, in a free Kurdistan, and to make our feelings and thoughts more certain. In this sense, there were very important messages given to us by our friends who were martyred this month as well. One of the martyred friends was Azad friend. He had joined from Germany. A friend of ours came from Ordu and joined. The Asian friend was really one of our friends who carried the noble spirit of the Black Sea to the mountains of Kurdistan. Koçer became a friend, Koçer as we know him, then Seyit.
We could hardly keep a friend Seyit with us. His hatred towards the enemy was too much. The pursuit of freedom was too much. The search for making friends with the woman, the search for companionship, the search for identifying her was too much. She literally really wanted to finish her quests with such practice. Heval Seyit was so integrated with the life in the mountains that he considered himself so much his own… I observed him in various environments. He was a young friend of ours who immediately adapted to the environment he went to, participated and wanted to participate. Again, I remember him with love and gratitude.
In that sense, the reality of martyrdom is that these friends from Germany, from Turkey, from the Black Sea and from Kurdistan, actually show us our future, show us how to build our tomorrows. It reveals the democratic nation, the solidarity, coexistence, cohesion and struggle of the democratic nation. In this sense, they struggled as a core unit of our democratic nation understanding.
BLACK SEA ASIAN IS ATTACHED BECAUSE THEY SEE THE REAL LIFE IN THE PKK
It is not just about Türkiye that nationalism is so high in the world. It happened in France, in Greece, in America. Everywhere it is said that nationalism is on the rise. Nationalism is actually the ideology of capitalist modernity. It should be read as an ideology of capitalizing and objectifying the peoples to the ruling classes of capitalist modernity by separating the peoples from each other. But this may be in the nature of peoples, just like in Azad friend. The Black Sea has now become almost the center of private warfare. Ordu, Giresun and Trabzon are working as gladio centers in particular. There is something that provokes the people of the Black Sea against the Kurds. There is something polarizing the Kurds and Black Sea people. You remember these Eren operations. By doing this on behalf of a young man named Eren, they actually wanted to make all Black Sea people an enemy to the Kurds. But in essence, peoples do not have such a thing. For example, it was the same with us. My mother used to say; Every nation has good and bad. My mother was a woman who did not go to school. But the knowledge of life was telling about the person. He knew that all peoples were actually close to each other, had similar characteristics, and that peoples could not be judged altogether.
Nationalism is an artificial ideology; It is forcibly dictated, it is forcibly raised. Today, they have divided the political environment in Turkey as left and right. They put the AKP-MHP in the center of the right, they put the CHP on the left of the center, and Akşener next to it. Thus, they pending and binding both wings with nationalism. They condemned the people of Türkiye to this. Despite this reality, it represents the essence of peoples, something that represents their true essence.
Asian friend. He is a friend who walks the line of sacrifice. It is not so ordinary. He trained himself, raised him, got to know the PKK. Maybe you’ve heard their talk. How simple and concise, how heartfelt it really is. Why is he so attached to the PKK? Because he saw a truly free life, a life together, a true life, the right life in the PKK. I can describe the actions and martyrdoms that took place in June within this framework.
KDP, TOOL OF ATTACKS AGAINST THE KURDISH PEOPLE’S WAR FOR EXISTENCE
There is a pincer operation on the Kurds. It is aimed to prevent the Kurdish people from gaining any political status not only in Turkey but wherever they are located. In the 21st century, in the 100th anniversary of the Republic of Turkey, it is desired to be kept under the status of slavery, as colonial objects of sovereign nations under the system of genocide. In this sense, attacks do not only take place within the borders of Türkiye, they happen everywhere. It takes place primarily in Kurdistan, it takes place in Rojavayê Kurdistan, it takes place in Europe when it gets the chance. Wherever there is a Kurd who wants to live with dignity and dignity, wherever the Kurds come together and build a policy about their future, there is a genocidal reality that aims to attack and plans an attack.
Of course, this plan has legs. For example, in Bashure Kurdistan, only the Turkish state does not do these things on its own. If you notice, friend Hüseyin Arasan… When friend Baran was martyred, Mesrur Barzani went to Turkey. We establish a connection between the martyrdom of Heval Baran and Heval Hüseyin and Mesrur Barzani’s departure to Turkey. Because this is not a coincidence. There are no coincidences in politics. Even if there is not. Every development has a meaning. In this sense, the KDP provides the ground for Turkey’s attacks on the Kurdish people’s struggle for freedom and existence in the region, becomes its tool, legitimizes it, defends it. They even organize together. We saw it in the last incident, in the attacks before that.
Those who carry out such attacks are running to Hewler. It means that their owners, those who hold their strings, are there. It is routed from there. I can express such a thing in terms of Bashure Kurdistan.
THE ALLIANCE WITH THE KURDISH PEOPLE WILL MAKE IRAN EFFECTIVE IN THE REGION
With the Astana talks and these attacks in Rojava, it is definitely aimed that the Kurdish people will not gain political status. They made this decision in Astana. Taking advantage of the current situation in Syria, they decided not to accept the powers that have become the government. On that basis, they intensified the attacks. They are giving approval to encourage Turkey more in fact to these attacks.
It is necessary to see the influence of Russia and Iran here. Russia and Iran were definitely involved in the attack in Homs. Iran is a little more cautious, which I think should also be cautious. On this occasion, I can say the following. Persians win from the Kurdish-Persian alliance. Turkey cannot have any alliance with the Persians. Both ideological and historical oppositions do not allow this. In the past, Erdogan called Assad his brother, he was walking together. The wind has changed, Esat has become a “murderer”. He opposed Assad by saying, “One cannot be a abad by cruelty.” Something similar awaits Iran. Iran knows this too.
Iranian politics is really rooted and experienced. The state with the longest lasting administrative tradition is the Iranian state. In that sense, they actually know Turks very well. When the first Oghuz groups came from Central Asia, they encountered Iran. In fact, Turks learn to state a little bit from Iran. They are learning inside Iran. They know historically. At the present stage, Turkey, under the leadership of Erdogan, is a member of NATO, although it does not seem to be fully engaged in NATO. Iran is under pressure under the influence of Israel within NATO. Israel is watching it. There is something surrounding Iran, especially through Azerbaijan. As I said, I think Iran knows all this, but I say it as a reminder. It will really democratize Iran too, which will make it more effective in the region in the coming period; It will be an alliance with the Kurdish people. What is needed for this? To realize democratization at home. Here you know; There is a situation revealed by the serhildans of “Jin jiyan azadi”. I can say that it can show its historical role in the region both against imperialist attacks and against the expansionist-Turanist policies of Turkey, by listening to its people, especially women, to ensure its internal unity, and on this basis.
ROJAVA IS SHAKING THE ISIS MENTALITY
Friends Yusra Derwêş, Leyman Şiwêş and Firat Tûma were martyred. Women friends were mainly targeted in the attacks in Rojava. Rojava is a women’s revolution because that’s how it’s known. Beyond being recognized as such, the Rojava Revolution really came out as a women’s revolution. In fact, it is women who give color to the democratic system in Rojava. The fact that women take part in active politics and lead the way is breaking the rules in the Middle East. Rojava is a small place, but don’t be too small; It shakes the current nation-state mentality, it shakes the ISIS mentality.
There was an attempt to create a ruling Islam. He is a sharia maker, against ideological attacks -it may be from Turkey, it may be from Syria or other powers–that sees women as deficient, sees her as an inadequacy in her disposition, wants to confine her to home, and claims that her only job is childbearing and care, this mentality in the region. Rojava stands as a stronghold of women’s freedom. That is why they targeted these female friends of ours in the autonomous system.
The Rojava revolution has come to this point at great cost. When a person puts effort into something, pays a price, and suffers, he becomes attached to it. Such attacks cannot prevent or eliminate the commitment of our people and women to the essence of the revolution. In that sense, attacks will continue in the coming period. In order for the Kurdish people not to gain status, the regional powers will try to prevent this by making alliances not only with Turkey, but also with various powers. But just as Meds played the role of Meds in history and brought freedom to the peoples of the region with them, today free Kurdishness will play this role as the modern Med movement.
ZÎLAN FEELS ÖNDER APO AND ÖNDER APO FEELS ZÎLAN TO THE CELLS
It is the 27th anniversary of Heval Zîlan’s martyrdom. It has been 27 years since his act. These 27 years have actually been lived as the years of Zîlan. I can say so. A refusal turned out to be a military action. But in essence, Heval Zîlan gained a leading role in a great social change and transformation. In this sense, it is necessary to evaluate and understand from many aspects. But I want to emphasize this aspect. Leadership said, “We made a contract with a free life in memory of Zîlan, we wanted to develop a free life.” Because June’s call was to live free.
Heval Zîlan, deeply feeling this attack against the international conspiracy that took place in Damascus on May 6, 1996, actually feeling the reality of the Leadership, deeply experiencing what the Leadership means for the Kurdish people, that Leader Apo, the Kurdish people and the Kurdish people will never live without the Leader. He embarked on such an action, feeling in all his cells that his women were the path to freedom, the sun, and the reality. First of all, this needs to be understood.
When Heval Zîlan did his action, I was with the Leader. I was staying in training with Leader Apo. The leadership was really impressed by this action. When he first heard, heval Zîlan’s report had not yet arrived. From the very first moment, the Leadership tried to understand this tendency of friend Zîlan. For example, one of the questions he asked us was: “Imagine, what does it mean to blow yourself up to your cells?” This also shows that the reality of Zîlan feels your friend Önder Apo down to his cells.
Then his report came, Zîlan, your friend. I can say he didn’t sleep all night. His report focused on what he wrote, the Leadership. Immediately after the letter came, the Leadership said, “I am also under Zîlan’s command”. Then, in the analyzes that were also reflected on the screens, the Leadership stated that Martyr Zîlan was a manifesto, a call for a free life. Indeed, in the end, no one could evaluate Zîlan more effectively than his friend the Leader. I don’t think you can evaluate it either. Because the Leader’s feeling of him, his feeling of the Leader is really a very high level of love, sharing, meeting, transcending space and time; I don’t say it to impose mystical meanings, but such a feeling, such a level of concentration was revealed. In that sense, I can express the following on the occasion of the martyrdom of my friend Zîlan. Zîlan’s action and the messages he left us, Its meaning is also very deep. Each of us, at least every time I read it, I feel as if I have entered such a precious, holy temple. Because there really is a call to holiness, a call to meaning, a call to meaningful living. For example, there is no boredom there, no tiredness from struggle, I can’t do it, there is no helplessness, there is no weakness. There is victory, there is a passion for success, there is commitment, there is loyalty, there is a real search for love, there is love. This is how we discuss, perceive, and feel like this, friend Zîlan. There is victory, there is a passion for success, there is commitment, there is loyalty, there is a real search for love, there is love. This is how we discuss, perceive, and feel like this, friend Zîlan. There is victory, there is a passion for success, there is commitment, there is loyalty, there is a real search for love, there is love. This is how we discuss, perceive, and feel like this, friend Zîlan.
PEOPLE WHO FIND MEANING CAN COME TO PKK
Indeed, there is very little focus on freedom today. For example, I would like to say this especially to the youth. I want to say to young women. What is freedom, what is a free life, how should it be, what does it mean? Do we need freedom or not? You know what’s more than that? For example, there is the search for comfort. There is a pursuit of material wealth, a fondness for money. But there is no meaning, there is no freedom of thinking and living, spiritual life, the rise of spiritual life values. It creates swarms chasing wealth. Today, people worship too many idols, they worship a material object, they worship a brand, for example, they worship a dress, they worship a form. I don’t know, it’s not based on a lifestyle, it adores it. But there is no freedom in it, no meaning. On this occasion, I am a little bit, who is in search of freedom, who has a passion for freedom, I think everyone who questions freedom has come to the PKK. Because the modern dervishes movement is also part of us.
Those who come to the PKK, those who follow Zîlan, cannot chase after material goods and comfort. Only those who seek meaning and freedom can come. Those who are after real love, friendship, sharing and friendship can come to the PKK. This is the essence of the PKK. These are the things that come to mind when I think of Zîlan.
I commemorate Helmet with respect, love, gratitude and longing. Helmet was in the Leader’s field when friend Zîlan was protesting. In that sense, he is one of the male friends who follow Zîlan.
I did not have the opportunity to work in the same environment, but our paths crossed, our working areas intersected. I can really say this. We question the dominant masculinity a lot. We pay attention, we PKK women are a bit like that. He had indeed taken great strides in killing the man. He was one of the leading personalities who had the stance of being able to comrade on an equal and free level with women, was modest, but at the same time was so knowledgeable and dominant, and really tried to cause the suffering of the Kurdish people in Bashurê Kurdistan in his own person, by distilling them. On this occasion, I commemorate him with respect. In memory of him, we once again promise to establish the national unity, the real national unity – I am not talking about the false, unprincipled unity as some say – the correct national unity line in Kurdistan,
IF WE DON’T WANT NEW MADIMAK, WE NEED TO BUILD THE THIRD PATH
I respectfully commemorate the 33 lives burned at the Madımak Hotel on July 2. Indeed, they are martyrs of democracy. The massacres faced by the Alevi community in this region are not limited to the Republic of Turkey; During the Ottoman period, mass murders against the Alevi community were kept active. This actually stemmed from the Sunni Islamic tradition on which the Ottoman Empire was based.
After the death of the Prophet Muhammad, divisions begin in the Islamic world and based on it, it is expressed in the form of both class and physical contradictions, and some sectarian contradictions. Of course, there is also the class segregation. It is necessary to observe the class struggles in the Middle East in this way. We cannot say that classes emerged after the 19th century, like in the West or after the industrial revolution. A process by which we extended the formation of classes almost to the Sumerians.
I want to come to; With the dominant Turkishness and the dominant Turkish classes choosing Sunni Islam as their identity, groups with different beliefs have always faced such attacks in the region. The Republic of Turkey, especially today, considers itself as the continuation of the Ottoman Empire and claims that it is based on its legacy. I don’t mean this just geographically; It conforms to it with cultural, political and power codes, says it is based on it, and today, in fact, very serious struggles have developed on this issue. The Alevi community has always had a reality that also lays the groundwork for democratic struggles in Anatolia on the basis of organizing itself and keeping it alive. Beware, the Alevi community is always on the opposition side because of this feature, it is always faced with oppression and massacre. Since it is always wanted to be assimilated by the sovereigns, it is constantly exposed to attacks. This is a reality of this geography.
When we look at it 30 years later, has this danger decreased or increased? The Alevi community maintains its own organization. In this regard, I think this should be seen very well. Our leadership has taken the Alevi community as a basis, especially since the PKK’s emergence. He especially cared about Dersim. He gave great importance to Alevism in Dersim. The PKK was organized as a movement that took revenge for the Dersim Genocide.
The Maraş Massacre was actually partly about the development and expansion of our movement in that area. But this also shows that; We, as a movement, have always felt deeply the Alevi society and the suffering of the Alevi people, and we have seen it as the main force of democracy. If identities are to be united in Turkey, not only the equality of ethnic identities, but also the collective rights of religious identities must be recognized. Collective rights must be guaranteed. But today, I can say that we are far from such a picture. There are serious risks, dangers.
The massacre in 93, which went down in history as the burning of the Madımak Hotel, can also be read as follows. That was a period when the Kurdish Freedom Movement actually made a democracy move, and Leader ‘Apo’s calls for a ceasefire. Not only for the Kurds, but also for Turkish society, it is a period when other differences in Turkey started to revive in an organized way. Thereupon, such a gasoline was asked to be poured. This massacre occurred because of the denial and destruction of those belief groups in Turkey, the official dominant ideology, the segments that I can call the Turkish-Islamic synthesis, which are outside of it. But Alevi belief, Alevi society, Alevi culture is a very deep culture. It’s a really beautiful culture. A culture that can lead with its own color in the struggle for democracy. In this sense, nationalism This is how the second 100th anniversary of Turkey is celebrated by making a move again for Shiism in the color of Sunni Islam; We are going through a period when he wants to make it adorned with one state, one nation, one religion and one belief. I’m not saying this to scare anyone, but there are serious dangers. Be careful; There are constitutional debates, there are headscarves debates. Something new is wanted to be done to overthrow the Kemalist revolution. It is desired to go to a new Turkish institution. Kemalism had nothing to offer to Alevis, Kurds and the differences living in Turkey. What it also offers is a monochromatic nation-state. But this is not his alternative; There is a religion in dark green, reconciled with black fascism. We are not moving towards a Turkey where beliefs and cultures express their existence in a pluralistic society.
On this occasion, in memory of the lives we lost on July 2, if we do not want new massacres, if we do not want new Madımak, if we really want the Alevi community to live in this geography with its own color, its own belief and its own social system, it is necessary to build democratic politics in Turkey as a third way. . Alevis should be organized as a leading force in this line. I call all our Alevi people, our society, to this.
THE UNITED REVOLUTIONARY STRUGGLE HAS AN ESSENTIAL PLACE
On this occasion, the united revolutionary struggle has an essential place in the democratic nation perspective developed by Leader Apo. 53 years ago, on 15-16 June 1970, a workers’ resistance took place. It can be considered as a ground where a united struggle takes place. The results were significant. It was a successful venture. Because resistances canceled a law passed by the parliament with the joint stance of the Republican People’s Party and the Justice Party and later accepted in the Senate. Ultimately, it was an example of successful resistance. 15-16 June was also the anniversary of the workers’ resistance. If we reduce the facts revealed by this struggle 53 years later to today’s conditions, what results should be seen? As the Movement, we have considered conducting a united struggle under the leadership of the People’s United Revolutionary Movement as a strategic attitude. As a person, I also focused on it. The PKK based its struggle strategy on the joint struggle with its main alliances with the left revolutionary forces. Our main alliance with Türkiye is actually with these forces. In that sense, of course, it is of strategic importance. Revolution, revolutionary struggle, a meaningful question of alliances. Even the forces that claim to make a revolution alone are eventually faced with marching towards the same goal by coming together with the forces waging a struggle like themselves. Because the force of the state, the reality of the system it faces is much more organized. In that sense, the 15-16 June resistance developed based on the following reality for the working class: It was possible to become stronger with the united struggle of the workers and the working class.
I look at what is going on in Turkey, I look at poverty, I try to follow the difficulties people face. It’s really not livable, there is no one who is not in debt. The situation of the workers is much worse. Skilled workers may be a little better off, but the vast majority live on the very poverty line. Think about it; Let a person’s only concern be his livelihood, his only aim is to feed his stomach, and for this he has to sell his own body and his labor. Selling your labor is like selling your own body. Because it is a part of you. The marketing situation is a self-presentation situation. This is a very serious humiliation; The working class is a very serious humiliation for the workers. It’s hard to keep yourself in such a constant state of presenting. But here’s the reality: This vast majority seems to me like a sleeping giant. In fact, that’s the main force. This sleeping giant; The main power is the people, the main power is the workers…
He was the Justice Party and CHP in the 15-16 June Resistance. Let’s hit today; CHP and AKP can take whatever decision they want in the parliament. But if the people, if the oppressed are conscious, organized, know the value of their life, if life has meaning, value, if they want to fit something into their life, that giant can shake everything up. This is the main message of 15-16 June. That’s why we need to be organized and fight together. Workers are the modern slavery of our age, working and living in intolerable conditions. This is modern slavery. Therefore, it is necessary to see the power of the working class.
What is our name? Kurdistan Workers Party. The PKK is a workers’, workers’ party. It is the workers’ freedom party. It is the party of the poor, the ignored and the working people. In that sense, the main thing is to see this, to raise awareness of it, and within this framework, it is necessary to engage in the organization of workers, laborers and oppressed classes with great love. If it does, it will be a success. Otherwise, you’ll get nowhere with the middle class. He is middle class; middle class so to speak. It is a slippery class that constantly expects to rise, that thinks it will reach the bourgeoisie, so it persistently clings to it and tries to rise higher. But workers, laborers, those who really created the world with their labor, can take care of their creations. They can own their creations, determine it fairly. No other powers are needed for this.
PKK IS A POLITICS, A FORCE OF THOUGHT
We are faced with an attack that only wants to commemorate the PKK as a confrontational organization, only with the act of killing, and which, in this way, actually wants to marginalize and end it. But the Kurdish people also know, in fact, conscientious people also know that the PKK has never been a movement that carries out just an armed struggle. First of all, the PKK is a movement of thought. In the geography of Kurdistan, where the heaviest genocide attacks in history were carried out, the PKK actually debuted in the Middle East as a movement of renaissance, renewal and enlightenment. Otherwise, it would not have been successful. Otherwise, it would not have had such an impact on Kurdish society. It could not produce so many new political arguments. Of course, at the center of all of this is Leader Apo. These have developed under the leadership of Leader Apo and our Leader. Our leadership has always said this from the very beginning. he said, If there had been another way, if there had been no heavy attacks, torture and massacre attacks in those dungeons between 1980-82, the PKK could have developed more as an ideological movement and more as a mentality movement. Since there were no conditions for this, armed resistance stepped in. In the beginning there was no weapon, I mean it.
In that sense, the PKK is definitely a political force. It is the political power of the Kurdish people. Those who do not want this to be talked about are those who want to market the exposed values of the Kurds. I don’t want to name names. There are those who do this in the name of Kurdishness. If he was speaking on behalf of Kurdishness so easily, then someone or someone was living by marketing the Kurds. Because all those who put one stone on another for Kurdistan, for Kurdishness, for the freedom of the Kurdish people, are doing this at a price. Those who do not pay a price and speak from their comfortable seats can never be members of the Kurdish people. They cannot be members of the Kurdish democratic nation. This crew calls themselves nationalists. Some who develop these discourses define themselves as Kurdish nationalists. But which stone did you throw at which genocidal, which colonialist? Which invader did you get from where? Kurdistan is under occupation. Bakure Kurdistan is also under occupation. Which one’s nose did you bleed, whose chicken did you say winter to? There is no such thing. All of this is to confuse you.
Here in the elections, we defended the third, the third way. We defended him from beginning to end. First of all, I want to say this. The Kurds are not wanted to make politics with their existing power. Let it be such a sheep, let it stretch its neck. When the PKK interferes with it, when the game is disrupted, such reactions come. The statements made by the PKK pushed everyone to take a stand. He also made everyone’s true color come out. Behind closed doors, you will say that I am a friend of the Kurdish people, but you will not color. He does not want to give color, but these things will not be closed. Is there such a thing as an implicit democrat? There can be no such thing. Could it be a covert Kurdish friend? I can’t be. In that sense, the PKK’s attitude, stance and policies are deciphering. It is done objectively. Maybe he doesn’t say shut up. But by the end of the day, when it is necessary to fight, it will either fight or show its side, it will show its own color. In this picture, it protects the rights of the Kurds, the Kurdish people, those who want freedom, friends, democrats, leftists and socialists. They are disturbed because the PKK is like this. Otherwise, they probably won’t raise their voices. That is one point.
Second point; Currently, bronze laws are in effect on Kurds and Kurdistan. Just as monopolies are created in various matters regarding religion, some monopolies are also desired to be created in speaking about Kurds. Some groups want to be given this. Hezbollah, KDP, Hüda Par and primitive nationalist groups that support the KDP.
There is no separate nation-state in the PKK’s program, but others do. They want independence, they want federation, I don’t know what they want. They have the right to speak to them, but why not the PKK? So the account here is different. Do not deceive and deceive the Kurdish people; In this way, it is aimed to feed and sell its national unity to the Turkish genocidal system by distributing its democratic nation consciousness. Those who do this on behalf of the Kurds are selling their Kurdishness. This is how you need to know. In that sense, we do not take such things very seriously. People shouldn’t take it too seriously.
There is an attack that wants to terrorize the PKK. PKK is the people. We did not make the public say this, our people did. He chanted “PKK is the people, the people are here”. Our people should continue to shout this slogan at every opportunity. Because the PKK is really the people. The PKK is a popularized movement. The PKK became public, the PKK nationalized. No one can deny this. To deny the PKK, to eliminate it, or to turn to it means, in fact, to commit genocide against the Kurdish people. It means dispersing its national existence. Don’t get me wrong, I don’t mean we are a monopoly. Everyone is talking, they can, but why can’t the PKK talk? He paid the highest price and brought the Kurds to this date. The genocide of the Kurds was a 100-year project. Kemalists tried this at first, and now they are called political Islamists. For 50 years, we have been giving martyrs in this land without interruption. This is how we can stand. This is how we keep Kurdishness alive. Presumably, this people gives us the right and duty to have a say on the Kurdish people or on issues that concern the Kurdish people, to form policies. This will continue. Nobody can prevent this. In this sense, the consistent approach of our people on this issue has been evident so far. By making all kinds of sacrifices, he continued to walk in the light of Leader Apo, in the line of these martyrs, within the framework of the reality of resistance revealed by the PKK. I believe it will continue like this in the future.”
