BEHDINAN – Evaluating the developments after the election in a special program broadcast on Medya Haber TV, PKK Central Committee Member Hêlîn Ümit said, “People have a lot of outside expectations, they expect someone to come and do it. However, every individual, everyone can transform themselves into a part of this change process. In this sense, I would like to point out to the youth, women and peoples that they are the power that will change Turkey.”
Noting that there will be no change by expecting from the government, from various classes, Ümit said, “It is necessary to struggle more, to create and create oneself while struggling, to realize one’s own freedom with it, to realize oneself. Democratic change in Turkey can only actually happen by reviving such a spirit. In this sense, I invite everyone to build, knit and participate in such a struggle process in the current period.
Ümit’s comments are as follows:
First of all, I would like to express my love and greetings to Leader Apo, who continues his unparalleled resistance against the Imrali genocide system, on behalf of the PKK and its militants. Lawyers announced that a new sentence was imposed on Leader Apo last week. This penalty expresses a 6-month ban, they express it as a disciplinary penalty.
We cannot treat this punishment as a fact in itself. We always take the approach of making our evaluations holistic. This last punishment, like other practices, is carried out within the framework of a concept in all of the practices against Leader Apo and other comrades there in İmralı. It’s been like this for 25 years. But there is one difference; The Imrali genocide regime operates like a special regime. From the very beginning, an isolation system, an isolation system, a special war center, and through it, the policies against the struggle for freedom and existence in Kurdistan are tried to be shaped. But the part of this process after 2014 is a little different. In that sense, the Imrali policies put into effect after 2014, called the Precipitation Action Plan, should be evaluated within the framework of general genocidal attacks. Genocide attacks in Kurdistan continue in a similar way in Imrali. It continues as an orientation towards Leader Apo.
‘LEADER APO’S IMPACT ON TURKISH POLITICS HAS BEEN MORE IMPORTANT’
Neither the practices in Imrali nor the attitude and resistance of Leader Apo in Imrali should be considered independently of such developments and the process. A war is being waged in Imrali, there is a multi-faceted struggle there. Every war has strategy and tactics. In that sense, there is a set of strategies and tactics applied by the enemy towards İmralı. While expressing this, while there was the transformation of İmralı into a center of genocide against the Kurdish people in the 25-year period, in the last period after 2014, mostly the state; The AKP-MHP fascism is planning an attack to eliminate all struggle dynamics in Kurdistan.
It also has connections with the process we are currently in. Leader Apo was the most controversial person within the scope of the elections in Turkey in May. Leader Apo’s position became Leader Apo’s attitude. This showed where the Imrali Genocide Center stands in Turkish politics. The level of influence revealed by Leader Apo forced all the powers that had to produce politics in Turkey with their right and left to take a stance against Leader Apo. This is how decisive Leader Apo was; It shows how strategic and decisive moves are the stance, the attitude, the paradigm he put forward for the Republic of Turkey and the solution proposals he put forward in terms of democratization of the republic.
Pay attention, especially the AKP-MHP, as the one-to-one executive power of this Imrali genocidal regime, is always inclined to frustrate Leader Apo. They lied on the basis of defaming Leader Apo and turning his reality inside out. So there is a very fierce ideological battle here. I am not saying this only for the AKP-MHP side; There is a similar situation for the Nation Alliance. As a state policy, we are talking about a fact that all political forces within the system have to take a stand against. In this sense, Leader Apo’s influence on Turkish politics has not diminished. In fact, it has come to the fore even more on the occasion of these elections. There are certainly efforts to turn it upside down, to nullify it. Because a war is going on in the field of ideological and mentality. In this sense, such practices continued.
In fact, there is talk of a person who is a prisoner in their hands. He is a prisoner in the hands of the Turkish state. Our leader is a prisoner of war. There will be so much talk about, evaluation, discourse; at least he should have a right to speak, a right to reply. They know others. For example, there are others. For example, they know Selahattin Demirtaş, he can convey his thoughts. Or I can give an example for other politicians. There are CHP detainees or detainees from other political views. They can convey their views, but when it comes to the Leadership, so much speculation, fiction, and lies are built on it, and even no right to reply is given. This is due to the power of Leader Apo.
‘THE KURDISH PEOPLE WANTS TO BE DESTROYED’
On the other hand, they take revenge, of course. And there is fear. They are very afraid. Look, Kurdistan society already knows, it knows its Leader. She believed in him wholeheartedly. In that sense, there is no hesitation in the Kurdistan society on this matter in the face of the reality of the Leadership. Indisputably, Kurdish society has a leadership reality. There is the reality of a Leadership that has revealed and proven itself in the last century, built itself on the basis of the interests of the Kurdish people, and has organized its entire life on the basis of the needs and interests of the people. And the Kurdish society from 7 to 70 is walking with him wholeheartedly, but there is a fear from the Turkish society that the Turkish society will learn the truth. That is why they continue their policy of isolation and prohibition on İmralı in this way.
In fact, they are applying such a legal procedure by presenting him as a prisoner who constantly receives disciplinary punishments so that he does not enjoy his right to hope. It has such a legal footing.
Leader Apo is in a one-man prison. There are a few friends with him, but the applications there have not changed. What kind of disciplinary punishment could he deserve in a solitary prison? These are all things made to fit the holster. We consider it in this context. Leader Apo’s position, his position, determines the situation and position of the people of Kurdistan. That’s why I once again call on all forces of democracy, especially the Kurdish people, and all people of conscience to fight for Leader Apo’s freedom. There is an important sensitivity in this regard. But it has become clear that we need to spread this much more and persevere. The reality of leadership is not wanted to be recognized, the right to hope is not recognized for the Kurdish people. The hope of the Kurdish people is being dashed. That’s why we need to grow hope and live with hope like never before. A person who truly loses hope loses everything. A society that loses hope loses its dreams and cannot build a future utopia. Therefore, it cannot work together, it cannot become organized. In this sense, I call on our people to be more sensitive to the policies in Imrali and to conduct all their lives and actions within this framework.
‘LEFT CIRCUITIONS ARE APPROACHING A LITTLE MODERNIST TO LEADER APO’
There is a reality that is at the center of Türkiye’s agenda along with Kurdistan. There is the reality of Leader Apo and there is the importance of isolation and orientation against it, it is discussed. This was once again seen very clearly on the occasion of the elections.
So, are the necessary results being drawn? Is this especially true for liberal democratic segments? From the perspective of the democratic left, socialist circles and friendly circles, can these policies and the resistance in Imrali be read correctly? Can really effective results be drawn? I am not of that opinion. I don’t think enough conclusions have been drawn on this issue. The attitude of the Kurdish people towards the reality of the Leadership is very clear. Kurdish society knows its value in terms of its own life, life, history, culture and existence. That’s why, for example, we cannot consider the self-deprecating stance of Kurdish youth independently of this. We cannot separate this passionate struggle among Kurdish women from the loyalty to Leader Apo and the system of living with him. However, we cannot express this exactly in terms of the democratic forces of Turkey and the left circles. There is a somewhat modernist approach to it. There is confusion about Leader Apo with other leaders, with other party leaders. The reality of his Leadership, both in terms of Turkish society, in terms of Turkey’s future, in terms of Turkey’s internal peace, and what his efforts are for this are not very well understood and appreciated issues. If that were the case, we could see bolder statements and steps from these segments. I say this for Türkiye. Many intellectuals and intellectuals abroad are experiencing more and more enlightenment on this issue, and in fact, they can take a more correct approach to the reality of Leader Apo, they make statements, make calls and engage in various activities. But the place where these should be is the other circles in Türkiye and Northern Kurdistan.
‘TURKISH INTELLECTUALS ARE RESPONSIBLE FOR THE CURRENT SITUATION’
Türkiye is marching with special war operations. Too much propaganda based on lies. There is an intellectual crisis that will lead the Turkish society, the peoples in Turkey, there is an intellectual crisis. It is a serious intellectual crisis in Turkey. Beware, a rational policy cannot be produced for the society. There is a lot of literature. Too much agitation. Too much emotional manipulation, too much historical distortion. But there are no truth-based, truth-based intellectuals who can claim it. Turkish intellectuals are responsible for the current situation. Some people come out and say; This is the level of the Turkish people! The public should not be blamed. It is necessary to look at those who say I am a leader, I am an elder, or I am your intellectual. What kind of mindset are they in? Indeed, there is a serious enlightenment crisis in Turkey, there is an intellectual crisis. There is a crisis of mentality and as a result old ideologies are on the agenda again. At the beginning of the 1900s, the ideological forms that emerged in the period that coincided with the disintegration of the Ottoman Empire resurrected in the 100th year of the Republic. Ottomanism, Islamism, nationalism. These were the ideological currents that emerged to save that Ottoman Empire and later formed the mentality of the Committee of Union and Progress. Is this really progress or regression in the 100th anniversary of the Republic? For example, if there are intellectuals, they really have to discuss them. Of course, the measure here is not the West. I’m not talking about Western criteria. However, the ideological currents that left their mark on the Republic of Turkey from the time of the Union and Progress to the present day and cause various problems and diseases in Turkish society have once again dominated. Isn’t the Turkish intellectual responsible for this? Turkish democrats, those who defend the ideal of a more equal, just, free and pluralistic society, are responsible for this situation.
Leader Apo actually made enough openings on these issues. He did not only criticize the form of nationalism that revealed the nation-state mentality in the Middle East; He showed very strikingly that the scientific method of modernity, the thought forms it revealed, the political regimes it revealed, the systems articulated with capitalist modernity produced fascism. In this sense, the most courageous Turkish intellectual is Leader Apo. If there is going to be a real enlightenment or a way to enlightenment in Turkey, is there anyone who can put forward a new idea, a new project other than Leader Apo? Is there anyone who can get away from the politics that the Republic put forward or that produced those historical conflict processes and put a policy from a different point? None. In this sense, both Leader Apo and Imrali Both his resistance in the war and his efforts for the enlightenment and free life of Turkish society are not given justice. I mean in terms of Türkiye. So this might be a bit of a problem for us too. This needs to be discussed further. Leader Apo’s solution approach needs to be revealed more, it is necessary to discuss more. We are a movement that has transcended statism. What does the genocidal colonialist fascism in Turkey persistently mean? He says they are divisive. As the PKK, our solution approach on this issue is obvious. We defend the project of living together by the peoples of Türkiye and Kurdistan. But we want it to be on the basis of equality and its architect is Leader Apo. Therefore, it is necessary to bring Leader Apo’s ideas to the agenda of Turkish society more. I mean in terms of Türkiye. So this might be a bit of a problem for us too. This needs to be discussed further. Leader Apo’s solution approach needs to be revealed more, it is necessary to discuss more. We are a movement that has transcended statism. What does the genocidal colonialist fascism in Turkey persistently mean? He says they are divisive. As the PKK, our solution approach on this issue is obvious. We defend the project of living together by the peoples of Türkiye and Kurdistan. But we want it to be on the basis of equality and its architect is Leader Apo. Therefore, it is necessary to bring Leader Apo’s ideas to the agenda of Turkish society more. I mean in terms of Türkiye. So this might be a bit of a problem for us too. This needs to be discussed further. Leader Apo’s solution approach needs to be revealed more, it is necessary to discuss more. We are a movement that has transcended statism. What does the genocidal colonialist fascism in Turkey persistently mean? He says they are divisive. As the PKK, our solution approach on this issue is obvious. We defend the project of living together by the peoples of Türkiye and Kurdistan. But we want it to be on the basis of equality and its architect is Leader Apo. Therefore, it is necessary to bring Leader Apo’s ideas to the agenda of Turkish society more. We are a movement that has transcended statism. What does the genocidal colonialist fascism in Turkey persistently mean? He says they are divisive. As the PKK, our solution approach on this issue is obvious. We defend the project of living together by the peoples of Türkiye and Kurdistan. But we want it to be on the basis of equality and its architect is Leader Apo. Therefore, it is necessary to bring Leader Apo’s ideas to the agenda of Turkish society more. We are a movement that has transcended statism. What does the genocidal colonialist fascism in Turkey persistently mean? He says they are divisive. As the PKK, our solution approach on this issue is obvious. We defend the project of living together by the peoples of Türkiye and Kurdistan. But we want it to be on the basis of equality and its architect is Leader Apo. Therefore, it is necessary to bring Leader Apo’s ideas to the agenda of Turkish society more.
‘WE WILL CONTINUE TO FIGHT AGAINST EVERY PART OF AGGRESSION’
People’s Defense Central Headquarters Command announced in its May balance sheet a few days ago; it gave both guerrilla losses and killed Turkish soldiers.
There is a situation like this: For example, there was a declaration of inaction on the occasion of the earthquake. Thinking that the AKP-MHP fascism would provoke provocation, we actually extended it so that the elections would take place in a healthier and safer environment, so that there would be no basis for provocations. But we actually knew this from the past, we were somewhat aware of this when making such a decision. When we make such decisions, the fascist Turkish state always tries to turn it into an opportunity. During periods when the guerrilla is not in active action, it intensifies its attacks and in this way tends to liquidate the guerrilla of the freedom forces. That’s what happened this time. In this sense, necessary warnings were given to our forces. There was a certain attention. But there were also martyrdoms, as revealed in the May balance sheet. Those guerrilla forces also had actions. They were not forces in action. Especially our forces in the north were not active forces, they were not in a position of attack. Despite this, the Turkish army launched an operation and a conflict ensued. Attacks were carried out on our forces, which were in a resistance position and in a defensive position. The war continues. Our commanders have already made a statement on this subject. “We are ready for any war,” he said. We are prepared for this. In such a period, we knew that the AKP-MHP fascism would continue its aggression. However, we have taken such a decision for our people, for the peoples, for the people of Turkey. Will these conflicts in weight deepen or will another possible option open up? The position of the Turkish army will determine this. It’s important. We have preparations. As the PKK, we are a movement that has been shaped by resistance for 40-45 years. It is the same in Bakure Kurdistan, it is the same in other areas. We will continue to fight against all segments of aggression against our people’s struggle for existence and freedom.
The martyrdom of 13 friends was announced. The martyrdom of our friend Leyla Amed has been announced. I remember them with respect and gratitude. I state that we will show our loyalty to their memories in the glorious resistances we exhibit in the upcoming period.
‘JUNE 1 JUNE HAS INSTALLED THE LAST 20 YEARS’
We are talking about a move that has left its mark on the last 20 years. We also evaluated the June 1st move as the second 15th of August Breakthrough. In that sense, the results are multifaceted. Because it was a move that took place after the international conspiracy, you know. Especially from 1999 to 2004, actually from 2000 to 2004, there was a withdrawal of forces. A ceasefire process was requested at that time. It is always referred to as a period when weapons were not in effect. That’s why some political forces in Turkey say that the PKK was over, when Erdogan came to power, there was a state of war that was over, it was revived at that time. They also do politics on it. Actually it wasn’t, of course.
Very serious plans were made on this process. In the period between 2000 and 2004, we first faced liquidationist attacks. Behind this was America, the AKP itself. In that process, the Kurdish Freedom Movement; They actually wanted to break up and disperse the PKK. They were saying; The guns are buried, they can’t be used again. Many powers had in fact taken out of their minds that the PKK could re-enter resistance and struggle after Leader Apo’s captivity. In that sense, the breakthrough that took place on June 1, 2004 put an end to all these discussions. It revealed how much the Kurdish Freedom Movement actually deepened in the line of Leader Apo. He revealed that if we are to emerge as a political power in Kurdistan, it must be based on serious military equipment and defense power.
In that sense, it destroyed the dreams of those who made plans for the liquidation of the Kurdish Freedom Movement in Turkey, especially in the United States. It was a move that left its mark on the last 20 years. Modern guerrillaism, the renewal of the guerrilla, its reshaping according to the current period, its acquisition of new styles and tactics, and its deepening in guerrilla tactics, actually developed at a much stronger level with the June 1, 2004 move. Those who study our war history a little know, actually. Before 2000, there were periods when we had serious problems in guerrilla tactics and in the understanding of command. However, especially in the period between 2000 and 2004, our guerrilla forces, our party forces, went through a serious preparation process by deepening in guerrillaism.
‘Kurdish SOCIETY SHOULD DEVELOP MORE MEASURES TO DEFEND ITSELF’
Prior to this move, then Prime Minister Erdoğan made the following speech. He said, “You don’t think, there is no Kurdish problem.” After the June 1, 2004 move and its consequences began to emerge, “There is a Kurdish problem, it is my problem too. We need to solve this problem,” he said. Even these two comparisons are enough to understand the results of the June 1st Move. It is now discussed; Should the armed struggle continue or not, has the armed struggle expired or not? Only those who look at this recent history can understand what we mean. There is such a reality, it also exists in the Middle East. But the genocidal system we are facing actually wants to take over the Kurdish society by preventing it from getting stronger. Certainly, such discussions should be handled in this context. He takes up arms to the end, Today, in today’s world and within the scope of the Third World War, there is an arms race in almost every country, everyone is increasing the war budget, etc. He even made all his election propaganda on it. But when it comes to the Kurds, he wants to take whatever he has to defend himself, in order to tie his hands. Such a very dangerous policy is being tried to be carried out. In particular, they are trying to connect these election results to him. The laughter is coming. Because these election results showed that, on the contrary, no results could be obtained in Turkey with elections, especially with token elections. More than ever before, the Kurdish community needs to develop and enlarge its measures in this process in order to take its own defense, it needs to take its own measures in every field it is in. The Kurdish community also needs to be armed.
Let me give an example in the context of the subject. I watched a news recently. Two gangs raided Gever and beat a young man. Then they went to the police station and threatened there. He is obviously a valuable Kurdish youth. He has taken an attitude of his own, but he says this; “I don’t understand why they targeted me. I didn’t do anything!” Kurdish youth, Kurdish people, Kurdish girls do not need to do anything. It is enough that they are Kurds. This is a genocidal policy, a genocidal system. Even if he does nothing, Kurdish youth will always show his stick to make the Turkish state’s genocidal presence felt on him. Even if it does nothing, it is something that is done to frighten, control and take over this society and social dynamics. On this occasion, it is my call to the Kurdish youth. The results revealed very well showed that, More than ever, there is a need for Kurdish society to develop its own self-defense. The danger has not shrunk, it has grown. The June 1, 2004 move expressed such a reality. At a time when genocidal state attacks against Kurdish society increased, especially at a time when it was thought that the PKK could no longer fight, at a time when attacks on Kurdish society increased, it was a move that proved that this was not the case, and has continuously developed the guerrilla attack until today.
‘UN IS PART OF THE MASSACRE AT MAXMUR’
We have to see this: The Third World War, the regional situation, the position of the Kurds in the region, how the Kurds are intended to be used… These should never be forgotten. The disintegration in Kurdistan that left its mark on the previous 100 years and the conflict of the Kurds, who were left under the domination of different sovereign nations, with the nations of that region… The Kurds were always wanted to be a source of conflict. The Middle East is wanted to be kept under control like this. In that sense, I can say that; A boiling cauldron in Iraq. The waters are not calm in Iraq. It is already a ball of contradiction and conflict within itself. It has a lot of problems. How much it can become a state, even that is debatable. Because otherwise, if they really had such an authority, a will, a politically organized power, they would have stopped the invasion of their own country. Northern Iraq is under Turkish occupation.
Of course, this is not the case. We cannot consider this situation only as an attempt by the Iraqi state to ensure its own order. As far as I understand, the people of Maxmur do not consider it that way either. If the people of Maxmur believed that the Iraqi state was really a step taken to ensure their own order, internal order and security, they would not have responded with such resistance.
Foreign powers, especially Turkey, economic agreements with Turkey, discussions with Turkey over the current water crisis, agreements and discussions with Turkey on energy resources are the determining factors. Here, of course, the Kurds in the person of the Maxmur people are sacrificed. The Maxmur people are the Botan people. Heval Karasu also stated; A section that resisted the Turkish state stood up not to surrender and chose the refugee life. He paid so much, he sacrificed so much. Why is there such an orientation to a place that organizes and maintains its own life, perhaps representing the most peaceful part of the region, representing a self-educated and cultured section of the population? I definitely think that the Turkish state has an influence here. International Western powers too. Because if the United Nations (UN) wanted, they could find a solution to this. That camp was under the control of the United Nations. That camp gave dozens of martyrs almost every year because they did not take care of it for years. The United Nations is part of those massacres. Maybe he didn’t execute it himself, but he did it with his silence and not owning it.
These people came to Iraq because they had no security of life. Otherwise, their country is a paradise when we compare it to the desert. In this sense, the United Nations, too, supposedly needs to take responsibility for its own responsibility. Or he will be a partner in this business.
The people of Maxmur represent a social segment that resisted under the influence of the freedom movement. Leadership said in the past; this is a KCK unit. In that sense, it is outside the system desired to be developed in Iraq, especially in the Kurdistan region. It maintains its own autonomy. It has a parliament, something democratic is running. It may be small, but it is an alternative life to the nation-state mentality there. Maxmur has an alternative life, he has a stance. It represents communal values, it is socialist. There is an attack on it, seeing it as a danger. Or who did the people of Maxmur threaten? Who of the people of Maxmur is in danger? There is no such situation. Let them go and see; For example, there are no public order units, no security units, no army, except the units that provide their own security and security.
The Kurdish society should deepen its resistance wherever it is against these genocidal attacks, these attacks of dispersal, fragmentation, intimidation and surrender. It should put aside its historical contradictions and artificial problems and take a more holistic stance. This is what we expect from the people of Maxmur. Their resistance will pay off. I think that the Iraqi government will gradually understand this truth more and more. Because there are many social segments in Iraq. There is a social structure that has suffered. It is the same for the Shiites in Iraq, it is the same for the Arabs. Because it is under constant intervention. Based on these realities, I think that a more democratic approach will actually be displayed before the people of Maxmur. I consider this important.
‘Had it not been for the KDP, the TURKISH STATE CANNOT ATTACK THE Kurds SO BADLY’
The KDP is at the forefront of the forces that point out Maxmur as a source of danger. The KDP presents itself as the protector of the Kurds. If you are a Kurd, you will be a member of the KDP. Apart from that, it shows all forms of Kurdishness as targets as enemies. That’s what he does internationally. However, he is a collaborator, treacherous, evil. This is the line it represents. If it were not so, the war in Kurdistan would not have reached this level today. The Turkish state could not have attacked the Kurds so recklessly. One of the main responsible for this is the KDP. If there is such an attack on Maxmur today, it is the KDP itself that opens the ground for its legitimacy.
‘THE PROBLEMS OF CHANGE IN TURKEY CONTINUE TOGETHER WITH ALL THE PAINS’
An important process took place. These elections were held on the 100th anniversary of the Republic. Of course, we have evaluated it before, and we continue to evaluate it.
The election is over; There is no such thing as everything is over, the process has changed. This is how the forces we fight against social and historical developments try to reflect.
The state of the Republic of Türkiye is facing a serious change process. We can also call this the process of democratic revolution. This has not disappeared. It really needs to be understood very well, it has to be understood. In its current state, the Turkish state lacks the ability to move itself forward. In that sense, it is necessary to concentrate on the natural struggle and the elections were a part of this. This is how we evaluated it. In this sense, we also gave importance to the elections. Why? Because we are a movement and a force of change that has been fighting in the region under the leadership of Leader Apo for 50 years. This has implications. Look, many of the powers that we are fighting against in Turkey are no longer visible. Of course, it was our movement that enabled this. In that sense, I want to say this. If an area of democratic politics has emerged in Turkey, For example, if there has been an awareness, it is as a result of our struggle. Of course we rely on this power. We rely on this power in the field of politics. We see it as part of our struggle. There should not be an approach like such rude, dogmatic leftists, saying that the only way is revolution, without actually carrying out work that will lead to any revolutionary development. It must be fought from multiple directions. This is our approach to this matter. We have given importance to these choices in a moment of change. As I said, the problems of change in Turkey continue with all their pains. I can say the following about this; The two lines are in conflict. Not three lines. There is no such thing as a Nation Alliance and a Kurdish movement in the face of AKP-MHP fascism. We see it as part of our struggle. There should not be an approach like such rude, dogmatic leftists, saying that the only way is revolution, without actually carrying out work that will lead to any revolutionary development. It must be fought from multiple directions. This is our approach to this matter. We have given importance to these choices in a moment of change. As I said, the problems of change in Turkey continue with all their pains. I can say the following about this; The two lines are in conflict. Not three lines. There is no such thing as a Nation Alliance and a Kurdish movement in the face of AKP-MHP fascism. We see it as part of our struggle. There should not be an approach like such rude, dogmatic leftists, saying that the only way is revolution, without actually carrying out work that will lead to any revolutionary development. It must be fought from multiple directions. This is our approach to this matter. We have given importance to these choices in a moment of change. As I said, the problems of change in Turkey continue with all their pains. I can say the following about this; The two lines are in conflict. Not three lines. There is no such thing as a Nation Alliance and a Kurdish movement in the face of AKP-MHP fascism. As I said, the problems of change in Turkey continue with all their pains. I can say the following about this; The two lines are in conflict. Not three lines. There is no such thing as a Nation Alliance and a Kurdish movement in the face of AKP-MHP fascism. As I said, the problems of change in Turkey continue with all their pains. I can say the following about this; The two lines are in conflict. Not three lines. There is no such thing as a Nation Alliance and a Kurdish movement in the face of AKP-MHP fascism.
These elections showed that very well. I’ll say it as a conclusion from my own point of view. Yes, there is a change in Turkey, it imposes itself. CHP wanted to be a candidate for it. But as they say, it turned out that it wasn’t really that different. In some formal matters, they showed some differences in the way the system was run. But mainly, on the one hand, the statist, power-hungry forces that construct the survival and future of the state, and on the other hand, the forces that defend democracy, freedom of society and human rights. We have seen that two lines meet in this way. Others actually cloud your perspective. There seem to be many political entities on the spectrum. But what did we see in the Presidential elections? Sinan Ogan went and supported the AKP and Erdogan. There is such a thing, in that sense, two lines can be mentioned. It is necessary to look at it this way, it is necessary to talk about the struggle of two powers. There were also such things as lies and cheating in the elections. We expected this to happen. For example, you will face a fascist system. This will have everything under his control. All the state power will be in his hands, behind him and you will think that he will never cheat. There is no such thing. These elections are not legitimate. Perhaps the most important contribution of the Nation Alliance, the CHP, to this system was at this point. Because they saw it as legitimate. Akşener made the first statement. Why? Because they are really afraid of radical change in Turkey, they are afraid that the society will object to it, oppose these results, and stand up. This is achieved by the so-called opposition parties. opposition parties;
‘SHIFT VOTES TO MHP IS A GREAT INFLUENCE TO THE KURDISH SOCIETY’
I first thought of this; For example, shall we say an operation, a coup, a conspiracy, a new leg of the conspiracy, for example? I really discussed these concepts in my own head. All three complement each other. However, in the centennial of the conspiracy, the Republic of Turkey did not respond on the basis of democratization, but with a new conspiracy against the democratic forces, primarily the Kurds, and the left socialist structure. These were the elections for which he was designed. I want to give an example for this. Especially in Kurdistan, many of the Kurdish votes were transferred to the MHP. This is a terrible thing. I don’t see this as a simple event. There is fraud in almost every election, but the Turkish Gladio, which plays the role of the father of ideas in denying the existence of the Kurdish people, and raises its bloody-handed elements. It is a great insult to the Kurdish society to shift almost 7 percent of the vote to a formation such as the MHP, which is the core of the Kurdish people. Beyond an emotional response, I want to say this. There is something to be done with it. The following message is being conveyed: Look, there is a basis for Turkish nationalism in Kurdistan. Turkish nationalism is successful in the policies of surrender, assimilation and genocide that it has implemented on the Kurdistan society. Because there have been so many votes, they are giving the message that we have made this place a spreading area of Turkish nationalism and Turkishness. What do they want to do with it? In fact, it lays the groundwork for the genocidal policies they will implement in Kurdistan in the coming period. In that sense, when I say conspiracy, I mean such a reality. It was an election where the floors were laid and this was designed.
AKP-MHP faction did not hold many rallies. There was comfort in them. They had already made their preparations. Maybe I can’t prove it here. But let the people concerned investigate the matter and find out. What about the earthquake zone? There were no people left in the earthquake zone, how did it rise to 70 percent, 80 percent? Can it be said like this? They gave buildings, they gave houses, they gave money. Have the people there devalued themselves that much? Their souls are gone! They call it blood money. Did they sell their things for money? I don’t believe our society is like that. I do not believe at all that Kurdish society is like this. Morality is still very strong in our society. It is immoral who sells his own worth for money. Correct me if it’s wrong, there is no such immorality. But here is this special war regime in Kurdistan, especially in earthquake zones. They played such a game in various parts of the country. Despite this, as they say, the sun is not covered with mud. The rate of votes of the Kurdish society in Kurdistan showed that the current government, fascism, cannot achieve results. The Kurds almost voted in the bloc. They took such a stand. You shouldn’t go after that propaganda too much. Yes, there have been such games, but a power that enters a struggle cannot say that. He can’t say that he cheated, this cheated. I don’t want to say it. This is not what I’m talking about. Of course, if you are getting into a fight, you will know your opponent well. You can guess what he can do. You will know those games beforehand, you will guess. You will take action. This is so. The Kurds almost voted in the bloc. They took such a stand. You shouldn’t go after that propaganda too much. Yes, there have been such games, but a power that enters a struggle cannot say that. He can’t say that he cheated, this cheated. I don’t want to say it. This is not what I’m talking about. Of course, if you are getting into a fight, you will know your opponent well. You can guess what he can do. You will know those games beforehand, you will guess. You will take action. This is so. The Kurds almost voted in the bloc. They took such a stand. You shouldn’t go after that propaganda too much. Yes, there have been such games, but a power that enters a struggle cannot say that. He can’t say that he cheated, this cheated. I don’t want to say it. This is not what I’m talking about. Of course, if you are getting into a fight, you will know your opponent well. You can guess what he’s capable of. You will know those games beforehand, you will guess. You will take action. This is so. You will know those games beforehand, you will guess. You will take action. This is so. You will know those games beforehand, you will guess. You will take action. This is so.
‘OFFICIAL PARTIES OF THE STATE WERE DEFEATED’
But the fight between Erdoğan and Kılıçdaroğlu in Kurdistan is a little different. But there are too many covert wars in Kurdistan, covert, dirty curtains. There is such a reality. That’s why no one should see the Kurdish society as whether it has moved away from the HDP, has moved away from the field of democratic politics, has left. There is no such situation. This is deliberately produced. On top of this, games such as confusion, hesitation, contradictions, and falling into each other should never be allowed in the field of democratic politics. Elections were held under very severe fascism conditions. Think about it, do the democratic forces of HDP or the Kurdish democratic political sphere have the means to make propaganda? None. A few publications broadcasting over Europe made a certain effort, but the Turkish society cannot reach this! There is such a reality. Now starting from this, Is it right to attack the field of democratic politics so much? In particular, some Turkish channels lie and get up; He says what will happen to the HDP. As if they had no other business… However, the official parties of the state were defeated. They are trying to confuse the Kurdish society instead of standing on them. All of these can only be considered within a concept, a conspiracy. Let no one become a tool for this, let no one become an apparatus for it. Do not take it as such a threat. It’s an ugly thing. No one should fall for this ugliness. The Kurdish people are the most oppressed people in the Middle East. He organized himself, turned it into a force. Everyone should know how to have some respect for that. He said no, he said that, no, he said that, he says. As if they had no other business… However, the official parties of the state were defeated. They are trying to confuse the Kurdish society instead of standing on them. All of these can only be considered within a concept, a conspiracy. Let no one become a tool for this, let no one become an apparatus for it. Do not take it as such a threat. It’s an ugly thing. No one should fall for this ugliness. The Kurdish people are the most oppressed people in the Middle East. He organized himself, turned it into a force. Everyone should know how to have some respect for that. He said no, he said that, no, he said that, he says. As if they had no other business… However, the official parties of the state were defeated. They are trying to confuse the Kurdish society instead of standing on them. All of these can only be considered within a concept, a conspiracy. Let no one become a tool for this, let no one become an apparatus for it. Do not take it as such a threat. It’s an ugly thing. No one should fall for this ugliness. The Kurdish people are the most oppressed people in the Middle East. He organized himself, turned it into a force. Everyone should know how to have some respect for that. can be considered in a conspiracy. Let no one become a tool for this, let no one become an apparatus for it. Do not take it as such a threat. It’s an ugly thing. No one should fall for this ugliness. The Kurdish people are the most oppressed people in the Middle East. He organized himself, turned it into a force. Everyone should know how to have some respect for that. can be considered in a conspiracy. Let no one become a tool for this, let no one become an apparatus for it. Do not take it as such a threat. It’s an ugly thing. No one should fall for this ugliness. The Kurdish people are the most oppressed people in the Middle East. He organized himself, turned it into a force. Everyone should know how to have some respect for that.
‘HIZBOLLAH HAS ALSO OWNED THE MASSACRE’
Finally, I would like to say a few words about HUDA-PAR in the context of the elections. Soysuz (Süleyman Soylu) also stated, he said; “It is a state project, we will develop it.” In fact, in this way, Hezbollah has embraced all the massacres of Hezbollah in the past, which is the political-ideological tradition on which HUDA-PAR is based. As it has been revealed that these are done by the state, the relevant people will probably file a lawsuit on this issue. Since the state is not responsible, it is such a dark, dirty, gang state. This is how it manifests itself. The bastard stated this, as he also obtained the immunity armor. Now in the upcoming period, they will want to evaluate HUDA PAR as a Kurdish Hamas. You know; Hamas was used very actively in liquidating the Palestine Liberation Organization. Before Hamas there was a Palestine Liberation Organization. There was a resistance against Israel’s aggression against the Palestinian people, it was very effective. But Hamas came out with the so-called so-called radical, claiming to be more radical, but because it was a collaborator, it took all the resistance centers of Palestine under control, and today we have seen that Israel does not leave such a thing as Palestinian lands. In that sense, I would like to express that everyone should be sensitive to this. It’s not just the pig tie, the policy towards women, this and that and that. In fact, it is portrayed as a force organized against the freedom struggle of the Kurdish people. It is already organized. But they want to develop it this way. You have to pay attention to this. But Hamas came out with the so-called so-called radical, claiming to be more radical, but because it was a collaborator, it took all the resistance centers of Palestine under control, and today we have seen that Israel does not leave such a thing as Palestinian lands. In that sense, I would like to express that everyone should be sensitive to this. It’s not just the pig tie, the policy towards women, this and that and that. In fact, it is portrayed as a force organized against the freedom struggle of the Kurdish people. It is already organized. But they want to develop it this way. You have to pay attention to this. But Hamas came out with the so-called so-called radical, claiming to be more radical, but because it was a collaborator, it took all the resistance centers of Palestine under control, and today we have seen that Israel does not leave such a thing as Palestinian lands. In that sense, I would like to express that everyone should be sensitive to this. It’s not just the pig tie, the policy towards women, this and that and that. In fact, it is portrayed as a force organized against the freedom struggle of the Kurdish people. It is already organized. But they want to develop it this way. You have to pay attention to this. In that sense, I would like to express that everyone should be sensitive to this. It’s not just the pig tie, the policy towards women, this and that and that. In fact, it is portrayed as a force organized against the freedom struggle of the Kurdish people. It is already organized. But they want to develop it this way. You have to pay attention to this. In that sense, I would like to express that everyone should be sensitive to this. It’s not just the pig tie, the policy towards women, this and that and that. In fact, it is portrayed as a force organized against the freedom struggle of the Kurdish people. It is already organized. But they want to develop it this way. You have to pay attention to this.
It is also necessary to pay close attention to these discussions. I would like to point out a few issues that have come to light. This is secularism, religiosity debates. We really need to have a discussion about them. Who is secular, who is religious? Again, the right and left debates, the right and left of the assembly. For example, how correct is it to consider the CHP as a leftist party? Such concepts actually act as something very confusing.
I can say that there are many ways to go to the Truth, the important thing is the purpose. In this matter of religiosity, the sensitivities of the Kurdish society are particularly sought to be used. For example, they say that the HDP mass is a secular mass, a society with weak relations with religion and a weakened society. In fact, they want to revive and connect them based on HUDA-PAR. They want to break it like that. Our approaches to this issue should be examined a little more. Our approach to society, nature, belief and belief system is never within the classical left framework. It is not like that. We do not think that this is the nature of society. For example, cultural Islam, resistance Islam, the first emergence of Islam, what were the values it revealed in its emergence, what are today? We are a Middle Eastern movement. Those who have the most Western projects are in power in Turkey today. So is MHP. AKP too. The establishment of the AKP was decided in America. Merdan Yanardag has a book. As a US project, the AKP reveals it with its documents. For example, he tells that MHP members went as a counter-guerrilla and came there after receiving education. Such are their origins. I will not prolong it any further. In this context, there are actually obvious consequences.
In that sense, the upcoming period will be a process in which the struggle for democracy and freedom and the struggle for democratization of Turkey will continue much more widely, based on these results.
‘EVERYONE CAN MAKE ITSELF PART OF THE CHANGE PROCESS’
It has been 10 years since the Gezi resistance. For 10 years, everyone has been evaluating the results he has revealed. I think the Gezi Resistance has revealed an organization and struggle that actually meets the needs of Turkish society. In this sense, it was a very important experience. We miss the trip. Those who have lived through the Gezi process miss Gezi. Because there, people from all walks of a truly pluralistic society, Kurds, Turks, Laz, Circassians, Alevis, devout Muslims, Armenians, students, workers, came together and Turkey actually made its own decision through a tree-cutting event. Wasn’t it the defense of the living space? It turned into this. Starting from there, it actually turned into an objection to the policies of the fascist genocidal regime towards the peoples. We saw this; Turkish society needs resistance in Gezi. He wants to resist. There were some very important messages he conveyed in that sense. At the same time, the process of the Gezi resistance was such a period when the Rojava Revolution made a move and there was a resistance in Kobanê. It was also a process in which there was a climate of peace in Turkey. Speaking of the climate of peace, there were talks in Imrali, there was the comfort it created. There was a democratic environment. The Gezi Resistance showed that there is a very strong potential in Turkey that will change Turkey if the Turkish society finds a little opportunity, if it has the opportunity and if it takes the lead again. There was a democratic environment. The Gezi Resistance showed that there is a very strong potential in Turkey that will change Turkey if the Turkish society finds a little opportunity, if it has the opportunity and if it takes the lead again. There was a democratic environment. The Gezi Resistance showed that there is a very strong potential in Turkey that will change Turkey if the Turkish society finds a little opportunity, if it has the opportunity and if it takes the lead again.
This is what we call change. We have been expressing that there was a need for change in Turkey from the very beginning, and that this process continues. And this need for change has not disappeared. In this sense, I can say this to everyone who took part in the resistance during the Gezi process. No one should lose hope. We have to keep fighting. Both as a country and as peoples, we have the potential to bring Turkey to change through democratic change. It is necessary to believe this. Perhaps the following can be said about this. People have too many external expectations; There is an expectation that someone will come and do it. However, every individual, everybody can transform himself/herself into a part of this change process. In this sense, I would like to point out to the youth, women and peoples that they are the power that will change Turkey.
There is no change by expecting from such powers, from various classes, from various segments. It is necessary to struggle more, to create and create oneself while struggling, to realize one’s own freedom with it, to realize oneself. Democratic change in Turkey can only actually happen by reviving such a spirit. In this sense, I invite everyone to build, weave and participate in such a struggle process in the current period.
