BEHDINAN – Evaluating the last elections in Turkey and saying that the government did not win in the elections, it was usurped, Şerik said, “This should be taken into account in criticism and self-criticism.”
PKK Central Committee Member Cemal Şerik answered ANF’s questions about the isolation in Imrali, the month of resistance and the elections.
Stating that it is important to draw conclusions from the June resistance and commemorating the martyrs, Şerik drew attention to the importance of developing a joint struggle. Şerik stated that with the deepening of the Imrali isolation, it is aimed to prevent Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan from giving resolution and direction. Noting that the election results announced by the state did not reflect the truth, Sharik said, “The AKP-MHP did not win, they usurped it,” and demanded that the results be evaluated with this in mind.
We are in the month of June, which has an important place in the eyes of the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey. What can you state about this?
First of all, I respectfully greet Leader Apo in the historical Imrali resistance. We are in the month of June. In our party and people’s struggle history in June; It is considered as the month of resistance and sacrifice. Great martyrs were given in June. The resistances were as great and glorious as the size of the martyrs. From that point of view, every action in which the martyred resistance fighters are martyred also tells the reality of resistance and struggle. In that respect, the month of June is not only to commemorate the martyrs on the dates of martyrdom, but also to accept their great heroism as a great measure for ourselves and to carry the struggle to further dimensions.
We martyred comrade Zîlan (Zeynep Kınacı) on June 30, 1996, comrade Serhildan (Sema Yüce) on June 17, 1998, and comrade Gulan (Filiz Yerlikaya) on June 7, 2002. While Comrade Zîlan started a new era in our history of struggle with the action he took on the line of the self-sacrifice, Comrade Sema said in his last letter to Leader Apo, “…I want to build my brain, my heart and my body from the fire that reached from March 8 to March 21” in 1998. On the night of March 21st to March 22nd, he carried out the action of the sacrifice in Çanakkale dungeon with the slogan ‘There are no two suns in the sky’, which describes a stance against liquidationism. Comrade Gulan, the great distinguished commander of the self-defense organization of the Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla, was murdered on June 7, 2002.
When each of the comrades Zîlan, Sema and Gulan became martyrs, representing the PKK’s self-defense line, they reached the level of those who waved the flag of resistance at the highest level. In this respect, June; It took its place in our history of people and struggle as the month of resistance in the line of the bouncer. The fact that the second major guerrilla attack, referred to as the ‘Second 15 August Operation’ in our history of people and struggle, was launched on June 1, 2004 was an indication of the commitment to this meaning given to June. For this reason, June took its place in history as the fact of being a month of great resistance, along with martyrdoms, and it continues to preserve its place with the same characteristics today.
It will not be enough to evaluate the month of June only in terms of the Kurdistan revolution. Because the month of June is of similar importance for the peoples of Türkiye. On June 1, 1971, Hüseyin Cevahir from Dersim was martyred in the clash in Maltepe, Istanbul, where his dear friend Mahir Çayan was wounded. Hüseyin Cevahir was one of the leaders of the Revolutionary Youth Movement of Türkiye. He took his place in such a struggle with the identity of being a Kurdistani. He had an approach that meant to carry out the Kurdistan and Turkey revolutions along a common line of struggle. The Gezi Resistance, which started on the last day of May, which took its place in the history of Turkey’s revolutionary and democratic struggle, had its martyrs in June as a whole. Regardless of language, culture, identity, belief; revolutionary, socialist, anti-capitalist Muslim, ecologist, feminists took their place in this resistance. Of course, Gezi Resistance had other meanings as well. In this respect, it has exceeded the limits of being a mere resistance; It had become the nightmare of the Turkish special war regime. This is the reason why they are still frightened when they hear the name of Gezi Resistance even today. Their efforts to keep what they have taken into prisons persistently, by imprisoning them as a result of the ‘penalties’ they have called ‘Gezi trials’ in those fabricated courts they have established, is the result of this fear.
One of the main reasons why they were so afraid of the Gezi Resistance was the size of the resistance and the sociability it expressed. Expressing a new sociability against the private-dirty war and social extermination carried out by the genocidal, colonialist, fascist Turkish State; It was their fear of the power of communal life. It is because of that fear that they want to condemn Gezi. Under that conviction, they are trying to prevent the reoccurrence of Resistances like Gezi.
Workers’ resistances, which took place in Istanbul on 15-16 June 1970, are among the revolutionary and democratic values that gave their color to June. A resistance that started in Istanbul in 1970, spread to the surrounding provinces of Istanbul and witnessed martyrdom; It has a certain importance in terms of the class struggle in Turkey. In this resistance, as in the Gezi Resistance, identity, culture, belief, etc. without distinction, he works in factories; All the workers and laborers, including Anatolian, Kurdistani, Black Sea residents, took part. In that respect, it was a resistance that represented the mosaic of Anatolian peoples and cultures. It is the most correct approach to meet and make sense of all these resistances that have cost the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey the month of June.
‘RESULTS MUST BE DONE FROM JUNE RESISTANCES’
What can be said about what happened today within the framework of this unity of meaning expressed by June?
This basic feature of June also means a great deal in terms of today’s analysis. Because today there is a great struggle in the geography of Kurdistan and Anatolia. But in the face of this struggle, there is also the existence of a special-dirty war, which is carried out very violently and without rules. The genocidal Turkish State is persistently escalating its dirty special war attacks. In its target, the socialist, revolutionary and democratic forces of the peoples of Kurdistan and Türkiye developed; there is to destroy the struggle for freedom and democracy by crushing the resistance. Against these attacks; of all these revolutionary values that give meaning to June in the development of a right struggle; Strong conclusions should be drawn from the line of sacrifice and resistance in all aspects.
Just at this point, when the resistances in June were resolved; It will be more possible to state that the special war regime can also be resolved. Because those resistances in June; Although they are based on some reasons as a starting point, they mainly describe a moment of explosion. However, this explosion is a conscious, organized effort and a willful stance; So it’s not spontaneous. When these come together, a resistance against the genocidal Turkish State, its private-dirty war attacks and social slaughter becomes possible. Not only that, when necessary conclusions are drawn from these resistances, when combined with sacrifice; unsuccessful paths are also opened.
Such an approach also makes it possible to draw correct conclusions from the June protests. On the one hand, the freedom revolution in Kurdistan, the line of sacrifice, on the other hand; There are workers, working class struggle and social movements in Turkey. This dual feature, which both solves the reality of the special war regime and solves the problem of what kind of struggle against it, attained its meaning in June; When it is analyzed correctly, today will have become possible to be correctly analyzed as well. From this point of view, the correct meaning will be given to what is happening today; accordingly, a direction will be reached. With the struggle to be carried out in this direction, the special war regime and all its attacks will be nullified and defeated.
HOW WILL THE COMMON STRUGGLE DEVELOP?
How will the joint struggle of the peoples of Kurdistan and Türkiye develop?
The colonialist genocidal Turkish state’s view of Kurdistan as a depot of de-Kurdish and cheap labor caused a significant Kurdish population to move to Turkish cities and metropolises. For example, the Kurdish population in Istanbul is higher than the cities with the highest population density in Bakure Kurdistan. In other metropolitan cities of Turkey such as Adana, İzmir, Ankara and Bursa, Kurds have a very dense population. They are together in the factories, workshops, schools, bazaars, markets and common living spaces of these cities. They have problems that they share in common and seek solutions together. Naturally, all these common aspects are; creates the conditions for acting together and waging a struggle. Leader Apo, From the moment he first determined the ‘Path of the Kurdistan Revolution’, he has always been in search and effort for it. The work he carried out among the student revolutionary youth in Ankara, the steps he took to organize the resistance front together against the possible military fascist coup before September 12, 1980, and his insistence on these steps after September 12 are concrete indicators of this. These steps have always had a basis in society. In the years after the military fascist coup of March 12, 1971, these were seen in the resistance against fascist attacks in universities and secondary education institutions, factories, squares, streets and neighborhoods. This societal foundation, after September 12, 1980, It continued to exist in the organized resistance of workers and public workers, revolutionary, democratic and patriotic youth, which became widespread especially in the years following the Great Guerrilla Breakthrough of August 15, 1984 and especially in the early 1989-1990s. The fact that tens of thousands of workers and laborers from Kurdistan and Turkey, sensitive intellectuals and democrats, socialists, revolutionaries and patriots gathered in front of Ankara Train Station on October 10, 2015, came together against the genocidal attacks implemented in Kurdistan under the name of the ‘Plan of Precipitation’ is proof of this. In all these resistances, the peoples of Kurdistan and Türkiye stood together. The resistances that attained their meaning in June also show this. That is why the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey already have a common struggle in this aspect. continued to exist in the organized resistance of the patriotic youth.
What the genocidal Turkish state is trying to do today is by disrupting this common struggle between the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey; is to prevent it from turning into a voluntary meeting. This is the main purpose of the attacks against HDP. By distributing the results of Leader Apo’s struggle for more than half a century; It is to prevent the common struggle of the peoples of Kurdistan and Türkiye.
‘LEADING APO’S ANALYSIS AND DIRECTION IS WANTED TO BE PREVENTED’
What is the connection between the absolute isolation imposed on Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan and such a goal that the Turkish state has set as a target?
The isolation on Leader Apo is not limited to the island of Imrali. The isolation in Imrali in the person of Leader Apo is also an isolation in which the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey are tried to be included. Because the special war regime created in Imrali is being carried over to Kurdistan and Turkey. That’s why, with the isolation on Leader Apo; It is not possible to distinguish between the special war orientations in Kurdistan and Turkey and the forms that the special war system has taken. Of course, the conclusion to be drawn here; Just as Leader Apo displayed and continues a historical resistance against these special war policies, which started from İmralı, it is also a resistance in Kurdistan and Turkey, which is based on the historical resistance of Leader Apo and follows his footsteps.
Of course, this is the most historical task and responsibility before us. Of course, the processes that deepen the isolation on Leader Apo need to be properly analyzed and understood.
The reason why the isolation on Leader Apo has deepened so much can be understood from the political picture that has emerged in Turkey today. The main reason for the isolation on Leader Apo is to separate the people of Kurdistan from his Leadership. And this is not just an orientation limited to the people of Kurdistan, the PKK leading the resistance of the people of Kurdistan. It has dimensions related to the Middle East, Türkiye and the international arena. Due to these dimensions, Leader Apo was taken as a hostage. The purpose of the isolation on Leader Apo is to reach the goals set by the genocidal Turkish State and the International forces standing behind it. This was the reason for the International Conspiracy. They will take Leader Apo as a hostage, and when the head is separated from the body, what is planned on the body will be put into practice. The same approach is used in deepening the isolation on Leader Apo in hostage conditions. The reason for this is the direction that Leader Apo gave to politics with his power of thought, the analyzes he made, and his ability to read the future from today.
Concretely, articles have been published in a newspaper about Abdulhalim Hattam, who was one of the assistants of former President Hafez Assad in Syria, in recent days. The content of those articles is about the talks that Leader Apo had before he left Syria. Those meetings were also recorded in the minutes. In that report, there are the meetings that Leader Apo had with Abdulhalim Hattam. There are opinions expressed by Leader Apo there. Leader Apo actually expresses his predictions about what will happen there in the future. Why does the genocidal Turkish state insist so much on Leader Apo’s departure from Syria? He analyzes the reasons for this then, as true views that have been proven today. As the main purpose, it is determined that ‘the necessary environment is desired to be prepared for the implementation of the policies of the TR towards Syria’. He says, ‘When they eliminate us, they will turn to Syria, which is their main goal.’ It also makes the ideological and political explanation and expansion of this. Years passed. TC took action at a time when it assumed that the conditions were created for itself. The result is there. An important geography within the borders of the Syrian state was occupied and annexed by the Turkish Republic.
This is the reason for the aggravated isolation on Leader Apo. If Leader Apo’s analyses, thoughts and views reach the society, the peoples and the progressive humanity of the world, it will be possible to solve the problems and evaluate them in a correct and revolutionary way. Because they fear this, the isolation on Leader Apo is deepened.
On this basis, we can establish a connection and relationship with what is going on in Turkey, as the isolation on Leader Apo has taken today; An election process took place in Türkiye. In this process, not a single word of Leader Apo was allowed to come out. Did the isolation on Leader Apo start then? No. The first attack was made on Leader Apo before the ‘Suppression Plan’ was implemented in 2015. Obstacles were put in front of her meeting with her family, lawyers and the HDP delegation at that time. All communication with the outside was blocked. By making up various excuses; correspondence was prohibited. Access to materials such as newspapers, magazines and books was prevented. There are a limited number of imprisoned comrades in that place, and their relationship with them has been reset.
Isolation on Leader Apo was also practiced in previous years. In 2009, this happened very clearly. In every critical period, when a period that is important for the political process in Turkey was entered, Leader Apo was the first target to be determined. Deepening the isolation on Leader Apo was brought to the agenda as the first step taken in this direction. This was also the case before the election. The isolation on the leadership became even more severe. By creating different speculations and agendas on the leadership, the problem was tried to be handled at a different point or the agenda was tried to be reflected on the agenda in that way. The attacks against HDP intensified, the closure case against him was accelerated, and administrative measures began to be taken. Thus, an attempt was made to prevent him from entering the elections. With all these orientations, the genocidal Turkish State wanted to disable what it saw as the main obstacle to its plans for the 14 May elections. If he succeeded, he thought that he could achieve his goal, and so he acted.
However, another point to be seen was to complete the isolation on Leader Apo with special psychological warfare attacks. If you pay attention, whether it is called ‘Nation Alliance’ or ‘Public Alliance’ in the election process; at the center of the propaganda of all alliance powers within the system; There was opposition to the PKK and Leader Apo. Racist, fascist, sectarian, and religious exploitative propagandas were brought to the fore in the society. The anti-Kurdish, Alevi and anti-refugee, PKK hostility, which was the target of these propagandas, and the attacks directly targeting Leader Apo were highlighted and fueled. In the face of these targets, it was desired to achieve a ‘national consensus’ from the grassroots, which is one of the most fundamental pillars of the total private dirty war. The ‘Nation Alliance’ and the ‘Public Alliance’ and its derivatives played an important role in this regard. These are, after all; Leader Apo, They competed with each other in anti-PKK and anti-Kurdish propaganda. With this, they created an atmosphere as if they were preparing for the Kurdish and Alevi genocide, not for an election. On this basis, the ‘People’s Alliance’ assumed the main role; He voiced rhetoric against the PKK and Leader Apo and called the ‘Nation Alliance’ to complicity. The ‘Nation Alliance’ complied with this call. Seeking to prove the opposite of what was said about them in the name of ‘bailing out’ the rhetoric developed by the ‘People’s Alliance’ against them, saying ‘we are not as you say, on the contrary, we are more against the PKK and Leader Apo than you are’; In this opposition, they competed with the ‘People’s Alliance’ and tried to prove it. Thus, they carried out their election propaganda around the agenda set by the ‘People’s Alliance’. This approach was made much more obvious in the second round of the Presidential elections. It was entirely on this basis that propaganda work was carried out. An attempt was made to obtain results from this.
So, it is necessary to see that when the isolation on Leader Apo is put into practice and deepened, a new process is definitely entered. The genocidal Turkish State has launched an attack in order to overcome the obstacles it sees before it either prepares to enter such a new process or to bring its preparation to a certain conclusion. Based on these attacks he started, he tries to reach what his main goal is. This has been seen very clearly in both the election and the post-election process.
In the current situation, the issues that should be discussed after the election are persistently avoided; Special psychological warfare agendas determined by the genocidal Turkish State are highlighted.
‘AKP-MHP DID NOT WIN, IT WAS USED’
What is the main topic to be discussed?
The Turkish special war regime is trying to give a new shape to the current Turkish state by taking the Hizbulcontra along with AKP-MHP fascism. In fact, let alone shaping, it has taken over the dominance within the state, is making preparations for how this can be made permanent, and laying its stones. It is trying to institutionalize a fully-fledged genocidal, colonial fascist special war regime. The problem they see as the main problem for themselves; how this dominance they provide will be institutionalized or expressed. In the current situation, while they are trying to give direction to everyone with fake agendas, while keeping them busy; they also quickly implement the plans they originally made. They also formed the basis of this. The AKP-MHP, which has the main role in this matter, has made Hizbulkontra a role they have taken with them. In this direction, it has given the role of Hizbulkontra as an active force in the genocidal special-dirty war in Kurdistan. Apart from this, it is trying to gather around itself those who can take place in AKP-MHP orbits.
These must be seen in order to understand the new period policies of AKP-MHP fascism. Because the AKP, organized as a private dirty war party, created an important opportunity for itself in the last elections. This is the most important opportunity he has seized since he took the seat of government in November 2002. It is clear that he will want to evaluate this in the most effective way.
Although the AKP has maintained its seat of power for 21 years, it has not been able to create the system it targeted. The main reason for this was that he could not overcome the staffing problems; it had not yet formed the cadres that could establish its own system. He was in the seat of government, but it is not clear how long he will remain in this seat of power. For 21 years, he has always been in search of filling this gap and trying to gain time. In order to achieve this, he always made promises and sought to establish an alliance by taking tactical steps. In this regard, he did not hesitate to erode the doors of the Kurds, he wanted time to be given to him by saying ‘give me a little more time’. What they did was always to secure their place in that seat of power. However, they were also aware that all they did was not enough to be in power. For this reason, they wanted to consolidate their position in power through the Fethullah Gülen organization. However, the Fethullah Gülen organization was more organized than him. It has been in such a work for more than sixty years since the ‘Struggle Against Communism’ associations. Especially in the years after 1970, he made these preparations more organized and systematic and focused his work on staff formation. And these cadres, in time, began to take part in the bureaucracy of the state -military, civilian – mostly with the support of the NATO generals who carried out the military fascist coup on September 12, 1980. The alliance with the AKP made the Fethullah Gülen organization more effective in the state than the AKP, on this favorable ground. This caused a conflict over power between Erdogan-AKP and the Fethullah Gülen organization. And this power struggle had reached such a point on July 15, 2016. His partnership with the Fethullah Gülen organization ended in blood.
In the Fethullah Gülen-Erdoğan conflict, although Erdoğan emerged stronger from this conflict, he could not achieve the goals he had set before him. The fact that he could not find a solution to the staffing problem was the main problem he faced in this regard. This time he tried to solve the staffing problem through MHP. It was also reflected in the press at that time. He gave 60 thousand cadres to the MHP to take place at different levels of the state. He ran his own business with them. He tendered the special dirty war in Kurdistan to them. Special-dirty war organizations such as ‘Gendarmerie Special Operations’ and ‘Police Special Operations’, which they called Special Operations Forces, were turned into the MHP’s home. Again, ‘expert privates and sergeants’, Personalities positioned in the private-dirty war in Kurdistan as ‘contracted personnel’ were always chosen from MHP sympathizers and from the segments where sectarian religious abuse and racist fascist propaganda were effective. In this way, the paramilitary fascist force of the MHP became the official force of the army. A similar picture has emerged in the bureaucracy. Abandoning the hand sign, which the AKP put forward as Erdogan’s ‘Rabia’, it started to use the MHP’s ‘Bozkurt’ sign, and started to defend ‘Panturkism’ ideologically. Thus, within the AKP-MHP partnership, the staffing problem was tried to be overcome at a certain level. With this, he had the opportunity to get out of the position of managing the state with cadres that did not belong to him or that he did not trust or be sure of. Accordingly, he developed alliances. As before, people like Hulusi Akar and Süleyman Soylu were excluded from the choices. Instead of such personalities who are ‘more royalist than king’Priority was given to those who grew up within the policy put into practice. These were made effective in the Erdogan cabinet formed after the election. Yaşar Güler and Hakan Fidan have such a feature. They are personalities who took part in the practice of private dirty war in every aspect and carried out its intra-state dimensions. They are the nationalized cadres of the AKP.
Now, with this staff structure, Erdogan has both reorganized his cabinet and positioned himself in a way that will build and shape the institutional structure according to him. These are the things that need to be discussed today. What should be done in the face of this formation in which the genocidal, colonial, fascist Turkish State has entered. Instead of determining such a reality, which has become the main agenda, as the main agenda; Pursuing different agendas will cause a waste of time, energy, concentration and attention to different points. Unfortunately, we are in danger of falling into the trap of such a deviant approach.
Erdogan, Bahçeli did everything to achieve the goal they set before fascism and to turn the election results in their favor. There is no one who denies it. However, despite this, there are still some people who say ‘Erdogan won’ in the debates. Again, when evaluating the election results, there are those who consider themselves unsuccessful and Erdoğan-Bahçeli successful. On this basis, it is possible to come across those who put forward ‘election policies’, ‘developed alliances’, ‘ideas defended’ and put forward approaches such as ‘now is the time to take a self-critical approach’.
Undoubtedly, it is important and necessary to evaluate the results after the election, to question the practice of the remaining process, where a mistake was made, to question all of these, to criticize and self-criticize. In the face of such an approach, it is not possible for anyone to express an opposing view or take an attitude. That’s not the problem anyway. The main problem is to gain the time it needs for the genocidal, colonialist, fascist special-dirty war regime by unwittingly discussing around the agendas determined under the guidance of special psychological warfare.
We cannot state this very clearly here. The AKP-MHP fascism did not win the elections. The use of the term ‘win’ here is incorrect. AKP-MHP fascism stole and usurped the will of the people together with the Hizbulkontra gang they took with them. This is the correct definition. He did whatever he had to do to steal and usurp the will of the people. The state used its force and means to the fullest. He resorted to cheating. Inflating, applied to the adjustment votes. In this way, the will of the people was both stolen and usurped. The meaning of the official statement about the election results is nothing else. Therefore, it cannot be considered legitimate.
The results of the 14 May Elections and the presidential run-off election held on 28 May should be handled in this way. The arithmetic of the Assembly and the Presidency are valid for nothing else. These are fabricated results based on theft and extortion. It is this theft and extortion that needs to be brought forward in discussions based on the highlighted agendas. Just as the elections held by the Committee of Union and Progress in 1912 went down in history as ‘elections with sticks’, the mise-en-scene staged on 14 May and 28 May should be able to take its place in consciousness in this way. Emphasizing the opposite attitude, adopting an approach that accepts the picture announced according to official figures, ‘AKP won’, ‘Erdogan won’, ‘results of nationalist fluctuation’ in Turkey, Saying ‘this point has been reached sociologically’ would mean helping Eroğan-Bahçeli fascism achieve its goals by institutionalizing itself. It will justify them. This is what they are trying to do with their special psychological warfare maneuvers. For this reason, it is wrong to engage in approaches that limit moral motivation under the influence of Erdoğan-Bahçeli fascism, which ‘won’, ‘the opposition lost’, and ‘we could not do our part’. There is theft and extortion, and approaches and discussions that would legitimize them should be avoided. It is wrong to engage in approaches that limit morale motivation under the influence of the statement ‘we couldn’t do our part’. There is theft and extortion, and approaches and discussions that would legitimize them should be avoided. It is wrong to engage in approaches that limit morale motivation under the influence of the statement ‘we couldn’t do our part’. There is theft and extortion, and approaches and discussions that would legitimize them should be avoided.
What approach should be taken against the official statements of the Supreme Election Council regarding the results of the ballot boxes set up on 14 May and 28 May?
Some people and circles may unconsciously make evaluations and comments on the ballot boxes set up on 14 and 28 May, based on the statements of the YSK, with the effect of the psychological war propaganda they carried out using the media, especially digital broadcasting. As such, there may be shifts from what should be emphasized.
Kurds, socialists, revolutionary, democratic, patriotic forces, Alevis certainly did not lose in the ballot boxes set up on 14 and 28 May. It has definitely been won in the geography of Bakure Kurdistan, which is on the official map of the Turkish State, and in the cities where the Kurdish population of Turkey is densely populated and where socialist, revolutionary, democratic, libertarian and anti-capitalist ideas are effective. It’s not a defeat, it’s a success. The principles determined by acting under the name of the Labor and Freedom Alliance have yielded results. At the same time, a successful stance has emerged in the face of the attacks of the genocidal, colonialist, fascist Turkish special-dirty war state, aiming to hinder and nullify the common and united struggle of the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey. A strong attitude has been determined in front of the Kurdish-Turkish, Alevi-Sunni conflict, which is tried to be fueled. These are the ones that need to be embraced and carried to even greater heights. If criticism or opinions are to be expressed on these issues, it should not be why they are made. On the contrary, opinions should be presented, evaluations and suggestions should be made on how to raise these attitudes and behaviors, established relations and alliances to the level they should be, and how to overcome the deficiencies in these issues.
Those in the Labor and Freedom Alliance made evaluations both among themselves and by coming together, subjected themselves to a process of criticism and self-criticism, and decided to bring these results to the public. They are correct, appropriate and necessary; criticism and self-criticism are aimed at implementing the decisions that show why the theft and extortion cannot be prevented, and how to overcome the reasons for this. Otherwise, approaches such as ‘Erdogan-Bahceli succeeded’, ‘we failed, this is the result’ are not approaches that legitimize the official state statements of the YSK.
‘THE ORGANIZATION OUTSIDE THE CITIES IS WEAK’
How should the election results be evaluated?
Success was achieved in Kurdistan and Turkey on 14 and 28 May. The people expressed their will. But there are also regions where the will is usurped. These have happened in many cities and settlements in Kurdistan and Turkey. However, the steppe of Anatolia, the Inner Aegean and the Black Sea geography should be handled and evaluated separately. In fact, a self-critical attitude and approach should be shown to the people living in these geographies, albeit belatedly. Here, too, the will of the people has been stolen and usurped. Saying that the AKP-MHP base is ‘strong’ in these geographies does not change this fact. In fact, cheating has been done more than in other places, imaginary voters and inflated votes have been recorded. These geographies are the places where the votes will be shifted to the desired one and they can be changed as desired. There is a material basis for this. However, looking at this, ‘these were intense in this region’, therefore, ‘such a result has emerged’ should not be accepted.
Various researches are carried out in Turkey; Even if true-false, missing-more, the results of these are recorded in official records. Among these, there are also the results of studies and researches on migration mobility, population density, areas of immigration and immigration. When even these are examined and researched; it will be possible to reach real results in these regions. For this reason, the society living in these geographies should be investigated with a convincing approach, and the AKP-MHP fascism in the determinations made about these geographies should be considered as possible from easy approaches such as ‘they were strong here’, ‘we could not enter here’, therefore ‘we lost here’, ‘they took it for him’. should be avoided.
In the current situation in Turkey, the socialist and revolutionary forces are not organized and strong in these geographies. No one can object to this. This is not a problem today either; It is an accepted problem that continues as it has been inherited from the past, almost insurmountable. With this aspect, it has the feature of being a problem that has taken the source of strategically wrong approaches from the beginning. However, the Anatolian steppe is a place where the people who are among the most fundamental forces of the revolution live. The objective situation of the Taurus of the Mediterranean, the Yörüks and the Turkmens of the Inner Aegean necessitate this. Before 12 September, the Black Sea was an area where revolutionaries were very influential. But they are not in such a position now. Socialists, revolutionaries, intellectuals and democrats from Turkey are responsible for this. Because from the beginning, the relationship and organization with the rural areas of Turkey has been very limited. The weight is given to the urban community. It was organized mostly in cities around socialist thought, and the power density was kept here. They left the land to the state. It organized racist, fascist, religious abusers, sectarian, reactionary parties, sects, groups and gangs in the state and formed a certain base for itself. In this way, the state used it to its advantage by filling the vacuum that the revolutionaries could not do what the socialists had to do. Of course, this is a matter of self-criticism. It requires a reckoning, how to enter these geographies, to be organized, to be in search and struggle. It was organized mostly in cities around socialist thought, and the power density was kept here. They left the land to the state.
Similar to this policy followed by the ruling powers in Turkey can be found in other countries as well. In South American countries, cities and some rural areas close to them are places where revolutionary movements are intensely organized. Inner regions are left blank. In this vacuum formed, state-controlled; right-wing, fascist, nationalist center parties and organizations. Sometimes this gap was filled by armed mafia-type gangs and robbers who were not established for political purposes. This balance, which was established against the revolutionaries in the countryside, later became a serious obstacle to the revolutionary struggles that developed in those countries.
A similar picture is very valid for Türkiye today. Before September 12, 1980, there were steps, albeit limited, to change this picture. But these were not enough. A self-criticism of unfulfilled tasks is made. Otherwise, it is not right to condemn ourselves to the result by saying ‘it was like this’ and to explain what happened with him.
PSYCHOLOGICAL WARFARE
What is the purpose of the psychological war games that are featured after the election?
In its current form, the debates carried out to legitimize the election results are highlighted. With these agendas, which are brought forward very consciously, it is tried to prevent the society from entering the main agenda. It is not limited to just that. It is persistently desired to make invisible the will and determined attitude of the people of Kurdistan, the socialist, revolutionary and democratic forces of Turkey, women, youth and workers.
However, the actual result that emerged in the ballot boxes set up on 14 and 28 May is very different from what is tried to be shown. Despite all the obstacles, tricks, violence, deception and intrigues; The real winners on 14 and 28 May were the people of Kurdistan and the socialist, revolutionary and democratic forces from Turkey. Always Taking into account this volitional stance and determined attitude, the results of the ballot boxes placed in front of the society on 14 and 28 May should be evaluated and handled accordingly. However, the intended result has not been achieved. This too should be seen; Self-criticism should not be avoided by seeing that those responsible, who take the lead role in achieving the determined goal, cannot fully fulfill their duties for one reason or another. These should be. Of course, while doing this; Nor should we fall into the trap of gray propaganda, artificial agendas, and diversions, in which the special war regime confuses truth with falsehood.
If such a trap is fallen, then the revealed will and attitude of the people will not be prevented to be made invisible, and the inadequacies entered into before and immediately after 14-28 May will be continued.
For this reason, it is absolutely necessary to analyze the reasons why the main agenda is not included and the reasons for deviating from it. When this is done, the reasons why Leader Apo is kept under aggravated isolation in İmralı, where he is held as a hostage, will be brought to consciousness. Again, the place of AKP-MHP and Hibulkontra within the special war games carried from Imrali to Kurdistan and Turkey will become clear.
We are in a new month of June. The month of June will again take its place in history with its own uniqueness. But the defenders and representatives of the values expressed in June and those who carry those values forward also have duties and responsibilities that must be fulfilled. The election results and the main issues to be discussed should be determined accordingly. The answer to the question of what should be done will not only play a key role in the fulfillment of duties and responsibilities, but will also make it possible to better understand and analyze the genocidal, colonial, fascist Turkish private-dirty war state.
Based on the evaluations made by our Movement and our friends in the administration after May 14 and 28, it should be possible to draw correct conclusions from them. Leader Apo’s TC. By drawing correct conclusions from his determinations regarding his state and its special war regime, AKP and Erdoğan; It will become clearer what kind of enemy you are dealing with. When correct conclusions are drawn from all these, what happened before and after May 14 and 28, taking the AKP-MHP fascism and Hizbulkontra with them; The overthrow of the genocidal, colonial fascist regime that it is trying to institutionalize and shape will become more possible than ever.
On this basis, I salute Leader Apo in the historical Imrali Resistance. We commemorate with gratitude the martyrs of June 15-16 and the Gezi Resistance, who walked the path of our great martyrs Comrade Gulan, Sema and Zîlan, who led the way in the history of the class struggle and social movements in Turkey, together with all our martyrs of the revolution in the person of the martyrs of the great revolutionary breakthrough of June 1st. I bow respectfully.
