BEHDINAN – The first day of May has been accepted as a day dedicated to the workers and laborers of the world. This recognition has become an internationally accepted day not only for workers, laborers and revolutionary socialists in the most general sense, but also by the ruling powers. Undoubtedly, the fact that the revolutionary socialists and the ruling powers have accepted May 1 as a special day for workers does not mean that their perspectives coincide on a common point. Two completely opposite points of view continue to exist in the approach to May Day.
While the revolutionary socialists considered May 1 as the international “Unity”, “Struggle” and “Solidarity Day” of the working class, the ruling power forces purified May 1 from these basic features; it is trying to make it a day of appropriating it by emptying it from its essence and internalizing the system. For years, they have mobilized all their propaganda and influence powers and opportunities to do this, but they have not been successful in this. Workers and laborers both in Kurdistan and Turkey, as well as in the Middle East and around the world, embraced May 1 and did not allow it. The general strike resistance of the workers in Chicago, USA, which gives meaning to May 1, for the 8-hour working day, the spirit of the martyrs and the resistance that cost the workers of the whole world does not allow this.
MONTH OF MARTYRS
The month of May, which marked the first day in the history of world rights in this way, did not limit itself with this feature either. By adding new meanings to its meaning, it has become a day of struggle and resistance. It is in such a month of struggle and resistance that ensures this; They are martyrs in the struggle for labor, freedom, democracy, revolution and socialism. May in Kurdistan and Turkey, as in the whole world; The gain he won in the struggle for labor, freedom, revolution and socialism became especially meaningful. That’s why the PKK declared May as MARTYR’S MONTH by dedicating May to its heroic martyrs, as well as the labor leaders Albert Parsons, Augusy Spies, Adolph Fischer and George Engel, who led the Chicago workers’ general strike on May 1, 1886, and were killed for this reason; Workers and laborers killed in the anniversary demonstrations of May 1; Sinan Cemgil, Kadir Manga, Alparslan Özdoğan, who was murdered in the Nurhak mountains on May 31, 1971; Deniz Gezmişi, Yusuf Aslan, Hüseyin İnan, who were murdered on the death row on May 6, 1972; İbrahim Kaypakkaya, who was murdered by torture in Diyarbakır on May 18, 1973; Leyla Qasim, who was murdered by the Saddam regime in Iraq on May 13, 1974; Fevzi Aslansoy, who was murdered at Ankara-Hacettepe University on May 18, 1976; May 1, 1977 has gone down in history as a month dedicated to the martyrs of Taksim and all the martyrs of labor, freedom, revolution and socialism. Leyla Qasim, who was murdered by the Saddam regime in Iraq on May 13, 1974; Fevzi Aslansoy, who was murdered at Ankara-Hacettepe University on May 18, 1976; May 1, 1977 has gone down in history as a month dedicated to the martyrs of Taksim and all the martyrs of labor, freedom, revolution and socialism. Leyla Qasim, who was murdered by the Saddam regime in Iraq on May 13, 1974; Fevzi Aslansoy, who was murdered at Ankara-Hacettepe University on May 18, 1976; May 1, 1977 has gone down in history as a month dedicated to the martyrs of Taksim and all the martyrs of labor, freedom, revolution and socialism.
IT DOESN’T MEAN JUST MEMORIAL
For this reason, commemorating the martyrs in a new martyr month means fulfilling a historical duty and responsibility for those who follow in their footsteps. This doesn’t just mean commemorating the martyrs every May. In a world where martyrs are given and continue to be given every day of the year, this is not possible in the reality of struggle. This is not what is meant here. In essence, the dedication of the month of May to the martyrs; Concentration in the struggle describes a reckoning that takes place by accounting for how far they have walked in the line of struggle and what results have been achieved. This also means entering/beginning a new period of struggle with a re-decision by passing through the filter of self-criticism on the basis of questioning the practice. As with all revolutionary movements, This reality also applies to the Kurdistan Freedom Revolution. And the history of PKK struggle is the most vivid proof of this.
LEADER APO’S PROMISE TO ANSWER
Leader Apo lived by promising to answer the memories of Mahir Cayans, Deniz Gezmiş and İbrahim Kaypakkaya, who was born second. He believed that they could only be sustained by the struggle that would be raised by adhering to their memories. From the moment he stepped out of the Mamak Military Prison in November 1972, he started to struggle with a superhuman effort to fulfill the promise he made.
Leader Apo met him most actively in Istanbul, where he went to study with the Turkish Revolutionary Youth Movements. He had witnessed what kind of struggle he was in there. In that process, Sinan Cemgil and his comrades were murdered on Nurhak Mountain, and Hüseyin Cevahir in Maltepe, Istanbul. After he had his university enrollment transferred to Ankara Faculty of Political Sciences, Ulaş Bardakçı was murdered first in the Albanian village of Istanbul, and then Mahir Çayan and his comrades were murdered 43 days later in Kızıldere. In the face of the murder of Mahir Çayan and his comrades in Kızıldere, he was arrested and taken to the dungeon during the demonstration he led at the Ankara Political Sciences Faculty. He had known the Sea Wanderers in the dungeon. After he was released from the dungeon, İbrahim Kaypakkaya was murdered on torture benches in Diyarbakır.
These played a role as important factors in the second birth of Leader Apo. Here, Leader Apo started the process of struggle after he got out of the dungeon, promising that they should not be forgotten, they should be kept alive.
FIRST FRIENDS HAKİ KARER AND KEMAL PİR
His first companions in this struggle were Haki Karer and Kemal Pir. Leader Apo did not know Haki Karer and Kemal Pir before. Upon the address given by a friend, Haki and Kemal met when they went to the house where their comrades were staying. The life they shared and the discussions between them had brought them closer together and led them to an intellectual unity and to act together. In fact, this unity between them was the first step taken in the emergence of the Apoist Movement.
This first step that Leader Apo took together with Haki Karer and Kemal Pir became the preparation for the next steps to be taken. Later, other steps were taken, but the first Apoist group established itself on this basis. After a period of three years, the Apocu Group became an organizational function within itself, at the meeting it held on New Year’s Days connecting 1975 to 1976. In the division of labor, Haki Karer was determined as Leader Apo’s assistant. Although he is from Turkey, he was the one who went to Kurdistan before anyone else and took part in organizing efforts. He was playing his role as a revolutionary leader with his life, his behavior, his high sense of renunciation, his determination and courage. He was an activist as well as an organizer. He was the one who trained the people he organized and made supporters as much as he carried out propaganda activities. He devoted 24 hours of his day to the revolution. He was a laborer in constructions to meet the needs necessary for life and activities. He shared the most beautiful, newest and cleanest with his comrade. He was an exemplary leader revolutionary for a revolutionary in every way.
AGAINST THE DECISION TO PARTY
That’s why Haki Karer was chosen as a very conscious target and was murdered. In fact, it was the Apoist Movement that wanted to be destroyed in his person. It was aimed to achieve such a goal by murdering Haki Karer. However, Leader Apo did not allow this. To the murder of Haki Karer; The Apoist Movement responded with a decision to party.
Haki Karer was not set as an ordinary, randomly chosen target. Haki Karer was murdered in a process where the Apoist Movement was effectively and widely organized in Kurdistan provinces such as Antep, Maraş, Urfa, Adıyaman, Southwest, Serhat, Dersim, and Elazığ, and dispersed the fascist reactionary centers and spy structures there. Haki Karer was also Leader Apo’s assistant. He was at the forefront of those known for his Apoist identity. As an exemplary revolutionary, he was accepted not only by the Apoist Movement, but also by other socialist, revolutionary groups, movements and individuals. He represented internationalism with his Turkish identity within the Apoist Movement. In fact, the aim in this aspect was the destruction of the bridge established between the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey in the person of Haki Karer.
With such a multi-faceted conspiracy, he was murdered by a gang of Agent-Provocateurs, which was established by the MIT, known as “Five Pieces” and introduced himself as “Stêrka Sor” with the “left mask” worn on his face, in Antep on May 18, 1977. . This murder had the feature of being a harbinger of the possible tendencies of the genocidal Turkish State. What happened during that period also confirmed this. May 1, 1977 According to official figures, in the provocation experienced as a result of the fire opened on more than half a million people who gathered for the 1 May demonstrations in Istanbul Taksim; workers, laborers, revolutionaries, socialists, democrats, etc. There was a massacre in which 34 people belonging to different groups lost their lives and 136 people were injured. On the same day, an assassination attempt was made against Bülent Ecevit. A fascist coup organized by General Namık Kemal Ersun, Commander of the Land Forces at the time, had been exposed in the army. Haki Karer was murdered in just such a process. Then a conspiracy against Leader Apo was foiled.
THE ACCOUNT CAN ONLY BE ASKED
It could not be a coincidence that all these attacks and provocations happened together in such a process. The putschist fascist generals had stepped in again and mobilized their special counter forces. It was very clear what you wanted to do. It was a massacre and liquidation in every aspect that was imposed. It was very clear what needs to be done. It was the development of the struggle against this deciphered tendency of the genocidal Turkish state by making it more competent with a strong organization and preparation. Only in this way could the murderers of Haki Karer be held accountable. The process of becoming a party initiated by Leader Apo was initiated on the basis of fulfilling the promise that revenge would be taken from those who murdered Haki Karer. For this reason, Haki Karer, the first martyr of the party, was given a historical meaning as the day when the party was decided on 18 May.
ATTACK FURRY FROM ALL FRONTS
It would not be so easy to fulfill the promise made to Haki Karer and the requirements of the party decision taken. There were great challenges to overcome. The decision of the genocidal Turkish State was clear. The obstacles were not limited to the genocidal Turkish State. The process entered into with the decision to become a party had made it an undeferable task to organize and practice what was defended and propagated at the ideological and theoretical level until then. This meant a decision at the point of existence-non-existence. This importance was also valid for those who had a “place” in the genocidal Turkish State and its system. Now the arrow is out of the bow; It was a fierce struggle. Stormy days were coming. A rush of attacks was launched from all fronts against the Apoist Movement, which was in the process of becoming a party. It was as if they were moving in a circle made of fire. Against the revolutionary, socialist and democratic forces, whoever the genocidal Turkish State had backed up until then; whoever, whatever he had organized, had taken action with all their feeding.
On this basis, the southwestern provinces of Kurdistan, including Antep, where Haki Karer was murdered, which was called the West of the Euphrates, where the Apoist Movement made great progress, as the area designated as the ‘pilot region’, which was taken into the focus of the attacks. However, they were very openly declaring that they would continue their attacks where they killed Haki Karer.
The genocidal Turkish State attacked from all fronts in order to achieve this goal it had set. MHP-focused fascist contra gangs, whose backs were broken in Kurdistan, were regrouped and attacked. Lawyer Hasan Aydın was killed in these attacks in Antep. A similar scenario was implemented in Urfa with a wider scope. The fascist contras of the MHP were mobilized in the city center under the control and support of the police. Urfa Education Institute students İsmail Caymaz, Mehmet Gülhan, and Hazari Akgöz were shot. The attacks in Urfa were not limited to the city centre. Local reactionary and collaborationist tribal rulers and gang forces gathered around them, who were in contact with the colonial system parties such as the MHP, were also activated. As a result of this, the rulers of the Süleymanlar tribe in Hilvan attacked with the gangs they gathered under the control and support of the police. On May 19, 1978, Halil Çavgun was killed as a result of such an attack. Halil Çavgun took Haki Karer as an example in every aspect. He was also leading the resistance of the patriotic poor Kurdish peasants against the aghast order and collaborative betrayal under the leadership of the Apoist Movement in Hilvan. This is why he was chosen as the target for his murder. Some time after the murder of Halil Çavgun, the same gangs killed Cemal Çobanyıldız this time. With a provocation in Malatya, a massacre was launched against Kurdish Alevis. Fascist attacks increased in Elazig. On May 19, 1978, Halil Çavgun was killed as a result of such an attack. Halil Çavgun took Haki Karer as an example in every aspect. He was also leading the resistance of the patriotic poor Kurdish peasants against the aghast order and collaborative betrayal under the leadership of the Apoist Movement in Hilvan. This is why he was chosen as the target for his murder. Some time after the murder of Halil Çavgun, the same gangs killed Cemal Çobanyıldız this time. With a provocation in Malatya, a massacre was launched against Kurdish Alevis. Fascist attacks increased in Elazig. On May 19, 1978, Halil Çavgun was killed as a result of such an attack. Halil Çavgun took Haki Karer as an example in every aspect. He was also leading the resistance of the patriotic poor Kurdish peasants against the aghast order and collaborative betrayal under the leadership of the Apoist Movement in Hilvan. This is why he was chosen as the target for his murder. Some time after the murder of Halil Çavgun, the same gangs killed Cemal Çobanyıldız this time. With a provocation in Malatya, a massacre was launched against Kurdish Alevis. Fascist attacks increased in Elazig. This is why he was chosen as the target for his murder. Some time after the murder of Halil Çavgun, the same gangs killed Cemal Çobanyıldız this time. With a provocation in Malatya, a massacre was launched against Kurdish Alevis. Fascist attacks increased in Elazig. This is why he was chosen as the target for his murder. Some time after the murder of Halil Çavgun, the same gangs killed Cemal Çobanyıldız this time. With a provocation in Malatya, a massacre was launched against Kurdish Alevis. Fascist attacks increased in Elazig.
AGENT STRUCTURING PERİNÇEK
As a complementary element of these attacks carried out by the genocidal Turkish State; The left did not hesitate to put the provocateurs infiltrated into the revolutionary and democratic forces and the spy organizations that wore a “left mask” on their face. The registered agent organization headed by Doğu Perinçek, which called itself the “Enlightenment Group” at that time, was the first force to take action among them. The daily newspaper “Aydinlik” they published played the role of a denunciation, openly deciphering the pictures, names and addresses of those known as Apoists, while waging a special psychological war against the Apoist Movement based on black propaganda, on the other. The members of this group, which attempted provocation in many places, attacked the houses of those known as Apoists, together with the police, to the police interrogations of the Apoists who were imprisoned, participated in their torture. Again in the same process; In the magazines and declarations of some leftist and revolutionary groups and movements, comments and evaluations, which did not fall short of those stated in the Aydınlık newspaper, were not missing. There were even handouts, special brochures and book publications on this subject.
KDP’S ACTION
These attacks were not limited to the actions of those who are known for the “left” mask they wear in Turkey. It included some groups that were under the influence of the KDP, which showed themselves as “Kurdish” in Kurdistan. They, too, had attacked from their own fronts on the instruction of the KDP, which is under the control of the Turkish state. So much so, by forming “Power Unions” among themselves; what they see as the KDP region; They made all kinds of attacks to prevent the Apoist Movement from reaching Botan beyond Mardin. So much so that tens of patriots, among whom were only relatives of an Apoc, were murdered by these groups. So much so that the perpetrators of these murders betrayed their own reality by saying, “Why are you prosecuting us, we fought against the Apoists” in the martial law courts of the Turkish State, where they were brought to trial.
Of course, on the one hand, there were those who attacked directly from the opposite side, as well as the attacks aimed at striking the Apoist Movement from within. Especially after the murder of Haki Karer in Antep, these attacks were carried out very openly and directly. These personalities, who were revealed to have taken part in the murder of Haki Karer, did not even stay away from the attempt to seize their military equipment and massacre their known cadres in order to completely liquidate the Apoist Movement.
ATTACKS FAILED
These attacks, in which the genocidal Turkish State took action on all fronts, did not yield any results. The Apoist Movement knew how to nullify all these attacks. In Antep, Urfa, and Elazig, MHP has prevented the attacks launched by the fascist contra organizations, as well as succeeding in its struggle against the feudal-comprador squire order in Urfa-Hilvan; He took over the rulers of the Süleymanlar tribe and the gangs that united in them, which worked as a subsidiary branch of the MHP, which was directly supported by the state. In his ideological struggle against all forms of chauvinism and nationalism, he succeeded in exposing their true face and breaking the de facto attack they launched. The Apoist Movement frustrated the enthusiasm of the traitorous, betrayal network that tried to strike from within. Haki Karer, Halil Cavgun, He knew how to ask for an account one by one from those who murdered Hasan Aydın. The Apoist Movement, with this struggle it waged and ended with victory, reached the goal it set in the decision to party against Haki Karer’s murder on May 18, 1977, and started a new period of struggle that started with the PKK by holding the party founding meeting on November 25-27, 1978.
MEASURES AND PREPARATIONS TO CONTINUE THE STRUGGLE
The preparations for partying, in which the Apoist Movement entered, alarmed the genocidal Turkish State. It is for this reason that he further dimensioned his orientation and preparations. This meant that he would use different instruments in the attacks he had carried out against the Apoist Movement and the revolutionary and democratic opposition of Turkey until then. The Maraş Massacre, which took place between 19-25 December 1978, took place in such a process, and the subsequent declaration of martial law in 13 provinces, 10 of which was Kurdistan, confirmed this. Leader Apo had foreseen this and started the preliminary preparations accordingly.
The conclusions that Leader Apo drew from the military fascist coup of March 12, 1971 by the NATO generals provided clarity on what to do in the face of the possibility of such a repetition. With the assignments made, action was taken to fulfill their requirements. The consequences of being caught unprepared for a possible military fascist coup made the fulfillment of these tasks undelayable. On this basis, while trying to create the conditions for acting together with the revolutionary and democratic forces of Turkey, on the other hand, it was necessary to prepare the infrastructure for resistance in the conditions of a possible military coup and the party organizations had to re-evaluate and position the cat accordingly. It wasn’t just that. It was a necessity to take measures to make the struggle permanent. Of course, while these were being done, on the other hand, the announcement of the party, whose name was determined, to the peoples of Kurdistan and Turkey, to the socialist revolutionary, democratic and patriotic forces, and to the progressive humanity of the world, had to be made as soon as possible. The establishment of the PKK took place in such a process.
MARTYRS OF ESTABLISHMENT
Although the PKK made its preparations for the establishment announcement long before, it was only able to make its announcement on 30 July 1979. The idea that the party announcement should be made with a strong action was effective in this. On July 30, 1979, the establishment of the PKK took place in the Kırbaçtı village of Hilvan, with an action against the then-Justice Party’s Urfa deputy M. Celal Bucak. This announcement was conveyed to large sections of the public with the declarations that expressed the aims of the PKK and resulted in calls. However, Salih Kandal was martyred in the conflict that took place in this announcement.
In this way, the establishment announcement of the PKK also became an indicator of the path and development line that the period of struggle would follow. What happened next was an indication of this. Martyrs, including Cuma Tak, Abdurrahman Manap, Sadun Demirkoç, Ali Çat, Cuma Bozkoyun and Zeki Intellect, were given in this struggle that started against the squire, the main pillar of the feudal-comprador order in Kurdistan.
FASCIST MILITARY COUP AND RESISTANCE
This conflict in Urfa, which is among the provinces where martial law was declared, made the NATO generals, who were preparing for a military coup, even more alarmed. They seized power with a military fascist coup on September 12, 1980, following the revelation of the PKK’s preparations to launch a guerrilla struggle in their panic.
The response to the brutalist colonial oppression of the military fascist coup of September 12, 1980 in Kurdistan was resistance. Great martyrs were given in these resistances, which took place in the mountains, torture chambers and dungeons, where the PKK’s line of resistance was represented at that time. In the Mountains, Delil Doğan, Bese Anuç, Kazım Aydın, Azime Demirtaş, Veli Geçit, Hüseyin Durmuş and Zeki Palabıyık; Sayıt Şimşek, Abdürrahim Yılmaz, Asker Demir on the torture benches; Dozens of PKK leaders, such as PKK founder and MK members Mazlum Doğan, Kemal Pir, M. Hayri Durmuş, and Ali Erek, Ferhat Kurtay, Necmi Öner, Eşref Anyık, Mahmut Zengin, Cemal Arat, and M. Emin Yavuz, were martyred in the dungeons.
THE LINE OF RESISTANCE HAS BEEN MOVED TO THE MOUNTAINS
After the Second Congress of the PKK in 1982 and especially with the 15 August 1984 Breakthrough, the PKK resistance line was represented by carrying it into the mountains. The line of resistance in the mountains, Şahin Guide, Cahit Dayan, Sultan Yavuz, Çiçek Selcan, Hanım Yaverkaya, Dr. Sirwan (Kawa Ali Salih), İsmail Derik (İsmail İbrahim), Kara Ömer (Haydar Altun), Bêrîtan (Gülnaz Karataş), Numan (Celal Özalp), Azime Herekol (Mihriban Saran), Cuma Biliki (Selim Ülker), Xalil Derik ( Nehro İbrahim), Zîlan (Zeynep Kınacı), Rojhat Bulezeri (Lezgin Tired), Viyan Soran (Leyla Wali Hasan), Harun (Hüseyin Özbey), Piling Kiçi (Abdullah Manas) Akif (Xdır Xıringe), Adil Biliki (Ramadan Aybi), Gülbahar Gülhat (Selma Kaya), Hüseyin Mahir (Kadir Çelik), Simko Serhildan (Mecit Kawyan) Rüstem Cudi (Rüstem Osman), Çiçek Botan (Guhar Çekirge), Alişer Koçgiri (Yücel Halis), Numan Amed (Ethem Karabulut), Nuda Karker (Nazan Bayram), Ferhat (Abdurrahman Nalioğlu), Reşit Serdar (Mehmet Can Gürhan), Baran Dersim (İbrahim Aydemir), Rubar Dicle (Hüseyin Poyraz), Atakan Mahir (İbrahim Çoban), Çetin (Musa Erçetin), Yılmaz Dersim (İsmail Sürgeç), Gülnaz Ege (Nuran er), Delal Amed (Hülya Eroğlu), Aze Malazgirt (Aslı Özkaya), Armanç Goçkar (Suna Kızılkaya), Helmet (Strange Diyar), Ali Piling (Şerif) Yakut), Çiçek Kurtalan (Hacer Kaya) and tens of thousands of freedom guerrillas. This line of resistance spread all over the world with Sakine Cansız, Fidan Doğan, Leyla Şaylemez, Evin Goyi (Emine Kara), Ozan Mir Perwer (Mehmet Şirin Aydın) and Abdurrahim Kızıl. Rubar Dicle (Hüseyin Poyraz), Atakan Mahir (İbrahim Çoban), Çetin (Musa Erçetin), Yılmaz Dersim (İsmail Sürgeç), Gülnaz Ege (Nuran er), Delal Amed (Hülya Eroğlu), Aze Malazgirt (Aslı Özkaya), Armanç Goçkar (Suna Kızılkaya), Helmet (Strange Diyar), Ali Piling (Şerif Yakut), Çiçek Kurtalan (Hacer Kaya) and tens of thousands of other freedom guerrillas. This line of resistance spread all over the world with Sakine Cansız, Fidan Doğan, Leyla Şaylemez, Evin Goyi (Emine Kara), Ozan Mir Perwer (Mehmet Şirin Aydın) and Abdurrahim Kızıl. Rubar Dicle (Hüseyin Poyraz), Atakan Mahir (İbrahim Çoban), Çetin (Musa Erçetin), Yılmaz Dersim (İsmail Sürgeç), Gülnaz Ege (Nuran er), Delal Amed (Hülya Eroğlu), Aze Malazgirt (Aslı Özkaya), Armanç Goçkar (Suna Kızılkaya), Helmet (Strange Diyar), Ali Piling (Şerif Yakut), Çiçek Kurtalan (Hacer Kaya) and tens of thousands of other freedom guerrillas. This line of resistance spread all over the world with Sakine Cansız, Fidan Doğan, Leyla Şaylemez, Evin Goyi (Emine Kara), Ozan Mir Perwer (Mehmet Şirin Aydın) and Abdurrahim Kızıl. It found its representation in Çiçek Kurtalan (Hacer Kaya) and tens of thousands of freedom guerrillas. This line of resistance spread all over the world with Sakine Cansız, Fidan Doğan, Leyla Şaylemez, Evin Goyi (Emine Kara), Ozan Mir Perwer (Mehmet Şirin Aydın) and Abdurrahim Kızıl. It found its representation in Çiçek Kurtalan (Hacer Kaya) and tens of thousands of freedom guerrillas. This line of resistance spread all over the world with Sakine Cansız, Fidan Doğan, Leyla Şaylemez, Evin Goyi (Emine Kara), Ozan Mir Perwer (Mehmet Şirin Aydın) and Abdurrahim Kızıl.
In this way, the reality of martyrdom, which is indelibly written in the history of the PKK in golden letters, has always gained meaning as the living/perpetrator of the historical processes experienced in our Freedom Struggle.
In May, the Month of Glorious Martyrs, which we are passing through; Our great martyrs Haki Karer, Halil Cavgun, Ferhat Kurtay, Necmi Öner, Eşref Anyık, Mahmut Zengin, Mehmet Karasungur, İbrahim Bilgin, Ramazan Kaplan (Celal Hoca), Gurbet Aydın (Ozan Mizgin), Mustafa Ömürcan (Sarı Ömer) who are the milestones of our freedom revolution. ), M. Emin Aslan (Sabri), Ahmet Kesip (Cemşit), Zivver Sarıyıldız (Hamza), Murat Demirhan (Sinan Amed), Sadegül Ökmen (Rojbin Serhat), Hıdır Özgen Bingöl (Ismail), Sakine Kıyançiçek (Melsa Munzur), While we commemorate İsmail Nazlıkul (Kasım Engin), we bow respectfully to all martyrs of freedom, revolution and socialism in their person, and we promise that they will fulfill their goals by sticking to their memories.
