BEHDINAN – Pointing out that the situation of resisting at the same position for 8 months like today has never been experienced in Kurdistan, PKK Executive Committee Member Murat Karayılan said, “This is the first level of resistance in Kurdistan and reveals the level of will of our people against the Turkish genocidal state.”
Karayılan, who wrote an article in the last issue of the Serxwebûn newspaper on the occasion of the anniversary of the establishment of the PKK, also mentioned the inadequacies in the implementation of the Revolutionary People’s War and made the following assessment: “We talked about the four pillars of the Revolutionary People’s War. Currently, it is carried out on two legs in the Medya Defense Area. In other words, there is a guerrilla and it reveals a will to some extent. There is also an understanding of people’s war based on the underground system. However, his public and self-defense foot is still not at a sufficient level. In the 45th anniversary of the PKK, we must absolutely aim to achieve more important results by more competently practicing the Revolutionary People’s War Perspective.”
Evaluating the development of the Revolutionary People’s War in Kurdistan and the current deficiencies, PKK Executive Committee Member Murat Karayılan’s article published in the Serxwebûn newspaper is as follows:
Colonialism developed by the Turkish state in Northern Kurdistan is not a normal colonial system. The colonialism practiced in Kurdistan was essentially implemented as a genocidal-genocide system. The basis of this system, which is based on the complete annihilation and destruction of the Kurdish society, is a ruthless understanding of violence. So much so that while tens of thousands of people were massacred en masse during the Dersim Resistance, we are talking about an understanding that does not hesitate to use chemical weapons against women, children and old people hiding in caves, afraid of being killed by shooting, brutal practice and massacre. Our people who were killed by chemicals in Dersim were not warring, holding a gun and resisting. They were mostly women and children;
Again, during the 1930 Pain Resistance process, unarmed and defenseless Kurdistan villagers were subjected to a mass murder and genocide on the grounds that they ‘support the insurgents’. Fifteen thousand people were massacred in just 3 days, regardless of whether they were children or old people or men or women. A great massacre was carried out in 3 days without leaving any individual. It is also stated that the total number of those who were massacred in the massacres that continued in the same region reached 40 thousand.
A genocidal domination system, which puts the violent destruction of a society with such brutal methods, was implemented in Kurdistan. Moreover, the violence against the Armenian people, the Greek people, and the Assyrian-Syriac people was also vivid in the memory of the Kurdish society. It is known that peoples of Christian origin were killed and exiled by this kind of violence, thus destroying their social existence. All this was made alive in the memory of the Kurdistan society, and thus the society was forced to surrender; On this basis, it is known that the dead silence after the 1940s became dominant in Northern Kurdistan. Therefore, it would not have been possible to continue its existence, let alone to fight against such a cruel genocidal understanding of the state with political methods and get results.
It was Leader Apo who brought this reality of the Turkish state to the best consciousness and analyzed it deeply for the first time. Leader Apo, while developing the colonialism thesis in the first stages of the ideological group period, also well analyzed the character of the state that implements this colonialism. He therefore envisaged organizing the group in a top secret manner. For a long time he did not create any written documents; It was based on developing the work more in the form of verbal propaganda and ideological struggle. If the leadership had not analyzed the Turkish colonialist-genocidal character well and the group had taken a style that put itself in the middle, it would have been liquidated at the very first exit. Leader Apo both analyzed the character of the Turkish colonial system well and correctly determined that it would not be easy to fight against this system. So from the very beginning he focused on the problem of personality; He had deepened his consciousness that it would not be possible to stand against this colonial-genocidal system without relying on solid, determined, characterful, leading cadres committed to the cause. On the basis of these determinations, the conduct of the group activity in Ankara and the character formation of Haki Karerlerin, Kemal Pirler, Mazlum Doğanlar, Hayri Durmuşlar developed from the very beginning. Otherwise, if this depth and qualitative formation had not developed, such a will to resist could not have emerged in the dungeons, nor would an armed struggle resistance have developed in the face of later brutal practices. But in this respect, it is very important for the Leader to correctly analyze the character of the colonial state at the very beginning, and to determine that it will not be ordinary to be able to stand up to it, and that this struggle can be carried out with qualified, determined and brave cadres who can face all kinds of difficulties.
IT IS ABSOLUTELY TO THINK OF KUKM WITHOUT A WEAPON
Even in the ideological group period, when the group did not have an official name yet, it was stated that the struggle could not develop without the resistance against the colonial occupation forces and the resistance forces having sufficient military defense; The struggle for existence and freedom of the Kurdish people can only develop with the organization of the people’s army; For a while, they also named the group NCO’ists (National Liberation Army) because of the debates about the people’s army being able to defend itself by organizing. The group did not give this name to itself, but those who watched their discussions also made a definition in this way. Because in the environment of violence created in Kurdistan, it is absurd to think of the Kurdistan National Liberation Struggle (KUKM) without weapons. It would be unthinkable for someone who comes into contact with the truth and does not want to deceive themselves, to develop such an approach. There was no basis for it anyway. Some groups that said ‘it has ground’ did not even dare to reveal the name of the party they had secretly founded. In other words, he founded a party, only a few people who founded it know its name; No one other than them knows whether that group is a party or a group or what it is. In short, they were unable to even pronounce the name of the country they were fighting for. So it was nothing but self-deception. The way to save a people in the process of being destroyed from this extinction is so secret that it would not be possible to save it from that extinction with a group activity so narrow that it cannot even pronounce its name. This could only be possible with a strong vanguard and a courageous popular uprising, social resistance and revival. Otherwise, there was a rapidly developing process of extinction, and the existence of this people as a people or a nation was now a matter of debate. In this respect, on behalf of the people, ‘stop!’ to the tragedy and genocide created by the colonial-genocidal system in Kurdistan. It was only necessary to come forward with great courage and to develop a revolutionary struggle by clearly reflecting this to the society.
THE APOCU GROUP KNOW THE SYSTEM WE’VE STANDED AGAINST
In this respect, the group that gradually took shape under the leadership of Leader Apo did not deceive itself in any way. He knew well the system he was facing; according to him, he correctly determined how he should prepare himself. On this basis, he developed the process of gradually clarifying his ideological formation and programmatic framework. But meanwhile, the enemy realized that there was such a secret group and that it was developing ideological propaganda activities in various places, and as it is known, he planned to turn to the leadership of the group. When he could not find the Leader, his comrade Haki Karer, who was the deputy of the Leader in the group, was martyred by a conspiracy of a contra group in Antep. This was an important sign. It was understood that the Special Warfare Department was planning to destroy the group. After that, the group focused on going a little deeper and paying attention to privacy.
Afterwards, as it is known on the anniversary of the martyrdom of Comrade Haki, the martyrdom of Halil Çavgun took place in Hilvan on the basis of the collaboration of the collaborative feudal-comprador factions, the MIT, the police and the fascist MHP. This event was also important in many ways. It was seen that not only the Special Warfare Department was targeting the group anymore, but also the Kurdish collaborationist feudal-compradors, as well as the fascists and the police. Again in the same period, some so-called leftist groups had some violent tendencies. In the following period, attacks by groups trying to organize in a reformist line in Kurdistan, especially the KNC, developed. In short, a process in which various versions of the genocidal system based on violence were put into effect effectively. In the face of this process, partisanship has become an indispensable reality.
PKK WAS SHAPED AS AN IDEOLOGICAL MOVEMENT
At the meeting in Lice / Fis Village, which became official as the First Congress of the PKK, the decision to become a party was taken and the axis of increasing the struggle was based. It was already at the crossroads. In that case, it would either yawn, step back a bit and continue as a youth group (preferring a reformist line, so to speak); or if he had put national existence in front of him, he would take the risk and risk to go to party to organize the national resistance. In any case, the determination of the Leadership and the group was to take the decision of national resistance on this basis and to develop the activity of partying officially in an environment where the party that would organize, manage and carry out this national resistance imposed itself as a sine qua non. The PKK was actually founded on this basis in order to organize the national resistance and raise the national resistance struggle. The establishment process of the PKK is a very historical turning point in this respect. Deciding on national existence and striving to develop resistance to it was not uncommon. Because it is a process that develops with the determination to give life to a society that is almost in pain on its deathbed, to give it a soul, to raise it to its feet. The process of partying was embodied and decided on this basis.
If you pay attention, the PKK was formed as an ideological movement. It clarified an ideological-political direction. Its content is a revolutionary national-democratic structure whose ideological-political direction is determined, which is the adaptation of socialist science to Kurdistan. Undoubtedly, however, there is also the humanitarian and international dimension that stands against the inhumane massacre that took place in Kurdistan. Its international essence, as well as its patriotism, has the fact that it rests on a deep and strong foundation; Anticipating that the struggle that will develop on the basis of socialist thought against the severe violence, oppression and genocidal practices in Kurdistan will also be a struggle of the peoples of Turkey and the Middle East; It was at the very beginning that the Kurdistan revolution would lead to the Middle East revolution together with it. This has been more clearly demonstrated by the struggle that has unfolded today. In short, the determination that the struggle developed on this basis will develop and strengthen only with resistance and armed struggle and self-defense has become the basis of partying as the most important historical evaluation and determination.
MOST STATED ON ‘LONG-TERM PEOPLE’S WAR STRATEGY’
It is known that two important war strategies were implemented in the revolutionary movements that developed in the world until then: One of them was the ‘Uprising Strategy’, which was implemented and succeeded in Russia, and the other was the ‘Long-Term People’s War Strategy’, which was shaped in China on the basis of a long resistance after the insurrection strategy failed. is It is known that this was later applied in Vietnam and many other countries. “What is the most suitable struggle strategy for the conditions of Turkey and Kurdistan?” Although there are various opinions in the discussions on the point of view, the idea that a Long-Term People’s War Strategy would be more appropriate and correct in the context of Kurdistan and Turkey was a dominant view in the leftist community at that time. Previously Mahir Çayan, It is a well-known fact that İbrahim Kaypakkaya and Deniz Gezmiş set out with the same perspective, but were crushed at the first step by hitting that violent wall of the Turkish state system. Therefore, the strategy of struggle that the Leader emphasized most in Kurdistan was, of course, the Long-Term People’s War Strategy.
But this became clearer in the Leader’s meeting with the first group that started the return process from Lebanon at the end of ’81. In this meeting, important cadres of the struggle such as Mehmet Karasungur, Mahsum Korkmaz and Şahin Guide were also present. In this meeting, the Leader’s evaluations of the struggle strategy for a week were later published as a book under the title The Role of Force in Kurdistan and Kurdistan National Liberation Politics, and became the most fundamental document of our revolutionary struggle. This is a book that presents the PKK’s military perspective and strategy of struggle in the broadest and clearest way. Therefore, this book, which was prepared at that time, became a document in which the military strategy of the PKK was explained in the broadest way in this way. As stated there, the experience closest to the conditions of Kurdistan is
STAGES OF THE LONG-TERM PEOPLE’S WAR
The Protracted People’s War has phases: The first phase is called the ‘strategic defense phase’. This stage is a stage where mostly guerrilla units are mobile and are based on defense with mobility and stealth, aiming to both wear out the enemy with hit-and-run tactics and gradually increase their power to move to the second stage.
The second stage is the ‘strategic balance stage’. The strategic balance is now a balance in which the guerrilla grows to a certain extent, can hold and defend some strategic areas of the geography, where the dominant state cannot easily enter those areas, even if a great war takes place, but the guerrilla cannot enter the plain and the city, even if he enters, he can only enter through secret methods and in action. It is a process in which a state occurs.
The third stage is the strategic offensive period, when the guerrilla grows more, receives training, gradually turns into a semi-regular army, receives support from its strategic allies, the people revolt in the cities and the guerrilla turns towards the city from the countryside. The Long-Term People’s War Strategy has been practiced in this form in various countries.
With the targeting of such a process in Kurdistan, it was originally assumed that Kurdistan, and even the PKK, would not be alone, and that other powers might be involved in the process. For this, there were some meetings and discussions with both northern Kurdish organizations that were drawn to the Middle East during the 1981-’82-’83 processes; as well as discussions with leftist organizations in Turkey. The United Resistance Front Against Fascism (FKBDC) was established with some leftist organizations from Turkey. Unfortunately, no results were obtained in the meetings held with Kurdish organizations. The truth was that there was no one who took the risk of intervening in the environment of violence created by the September 12 Military-Fascist Junta in Turkey and Kurdistan, and the fascist institutionalization it developed, and experienced concentration with that determination. Because FKBDC didn’t make the comeback afterwards.
In short, the Leadership wanted to form an alliance with both left-wing movements in Turkey and Kurdish organizations, but the alliance had to be on the axis of return. However, the powers that could not show the will to return did not come to such an alliance. Those who came later broke it. Thus, we, as the PKK, were left alone on the stage of struggle and war.
AUGUST 15 DEVELOPMENT DEVELOPED A HUGE REVOLUTIONARY PROCESS
It was in such an atmosphere that the August 15, 1984 Breakthrough was developed. The August 15th Leap Forward was truly a historic breakthrough. September 12 was a great revolutionary intervention against the Fascist Junta system and had a great impact in Kurdistan. As some expected, the forces that developed this struggle did not disappear. Because that was their claim. “An attempt like this cannot be made against the Turkish state. They wanted to develop the perception of “Even if it is done, it will result in extinction”. But the August 15 Initiative, which was developed under the leadership of the great commander Comrade Mahsum Korkmaz in Kurdistan, created a great revolutionary resistance environment, and although there were various interventions by the colonial Turkish state, various unconventional approaches emerged within the commands that needed to develop the guerrilla struggle. , this breakthrough developed a great revolutionary process in Kurdistan with it. He prevented the permanent establishment of fascism in Turkey. What we call the Gang of Four, out of line, developed despite the liquidationist counter practices that wanted to reverse the military and organizational line that the Leader wanted to develop, and when we came to the 1990s, it provided a great revival and resurgence in Kurdish society. This is why this historic breakthrough was called the ‘Resurrection Revolution’; The socialization process, which we call a revival, mobilization and serhildan process in a society that has no hope, took place in this way with the ’90s.
This was a historical revolutionary practice process that showed that the guerrilla could get results in Kurdistan, and it was necessary to continue the rise after that. On this basis, there was also a growth in the guerrilla. While the numerical density of the guerrilla was around 100 in the beginning, it reached around 900 in ’89. By ’92, it was now almost 10 thousand. Therefore, the process of the guerrilla’s transition to the second stage had imposed itself.
Of course, the accuracy of the strategy alone was not enough to move on to the second stage, the balance stage. Tactical leadership also needed to play a role, doing what it had to do in practice. We know that there are problems at this point. Essentially, if such problems did not exist, there were conditions for the transition to the equilibrium period in the ’91-’92 process. But the tactical leadership at that time deceived itself with a number of successful outpost raids and fell into ‘early power sickness’. Instead of tactical leadership and process improvement, he directed more emerging opportunities to organizing his own life. This led to the fact that that process was not properly evaluated. In ’93-’94, the balancing process was somewhat practical, but in the face of all-out attack in ’94 he had to turn to the mobile guerrilla again. In this way, the process of repeating itself came into the agenda. Again in ’97-’98, the balance process somehow entered the stage of practicality, but in the face of this, the technical equipment developed by the Turkish state again forced the guerrilla to continue itself as a mobile process. At that time, the support it received from both NATO and Israel, the effective use of Cobra helicopters, the implementation of the air force tactic – which was a tactical step that was implemented only with the purchase of hundreds of Sikorskys at great expense – opened the door to a return to the first stage. The International Conspiracy has already found the ground for realization based on this. In short, the process could have been different if the tactical leadership had been able to maintain the strategic balance at that time and had been able to defend the area against the extensive attacks of the Turkish army with comprehensive mobile guerrilla warfare.
GUERILLA FAIL TO PERMANENT THE PERIOD OF BALANCE
With the ’90s, it became clear that the Turkish Revolution Movement would not develop as expected. Therefore, the perspective of the development of an intermediate solution has now emerged. For this, the period of equilibrium was important. In other words, the period of balance rather than a strategic attack would have made a political solution possible along with it. The process that took place in ’93 (during Turgut Özal’s era) corresponds to this. However, by interfering with the system of the deep chauvinist-genocidal factions within the state, Özal, Eşref Bitlis, etc. There is a case of liquidating the sectors and starting the ’94 process. In short, the guerrilla, who could not perpetuate the period of balance, could not impose a solution in an indispensable way, nor could it prevent the realization of the International Conspiracy. In fact, this is the stance that Leader Apo criticizes as ‘insufficient comradeship’. In other words, the inability of the tactical leadership to meet that process adequately and the inadequacies it experienced also caused important processes that can be called turning points not to develop. It was the task of the tactical leadership to develop the necessary tactical wealth, again the expertise and competence in the guerrilla. In fact, since the tactical leadership did not fulfill this duty, the Leadership had to take over most of the time. This left the Leadership alone and made it more of a target. This is a serious matter of self-criticism and this process of self-criticism is still ongoing. We know that the process that developed in this way entered a new era with the International Conspiracy. In fact, since the tactical leadership did not fulfill this duty, the Leadership had to take over most of the time. This left the Leadership alone and made it more of a target. This is a serious matter of self-criticism and this process of self-criticism is still ongoing. We know that the process that developed in this way entered a new era with the International Conspiracy. In fact, since the tactical leadership did not fulfill this duty, the Leadership had to take over most of the time. This left the Leadership alone and made it more of a target. This is a serious matter of self-criticism and this process of self-criticism is still ongoing. We know that the process that developed in this way entered a new era with the International Conspiracy.
THE APPROACH TO FIGHT THE NEW PARADIGM IS REFORMED
The International Conspiracy started a completely new process with the capture of our Leader. The International Conspiracy process is a very heavy process for us, for our entire movement, especially for Leader Apo. But despite this, Leader Apo not only destroyed the International Conspiracy with the new paradigm he developed in those harsh conditions, but also paved the way for the movement to breathe and expand and grow with the Democratic Ecological Society Paradigm based on women’s freedom.
The understanding of struggle was also reshaped within the framework of the new paradigm. In particular, the approach to armed struggle and the difficult case was reviewed. A framework suitable for the neo-democratic understanding has been reached. Considering that the use of violence mostly within the framework of self-defense and other forms of use are peculiar to violence-oriented statist understandings, he determined an approach of the revolutionary approach, which envisages using violence only in legitimate defense, as an indispensable principle of democratic civilization.
In this context, the guerrilla also renewed itself. At the First Conference, which was held under the name of HPG, on the basis of the restructuring decision, it put forward a renewal process not only ideologically but also militarily. On this basis, the development of a struggle that imposes a democratic solution and the re-introduction of the guerrilla within the framework of the active defense approach developed as is known. At this point, there was a situation of reevaluating and concretizing the phenomenon of the Revolutionary People’s War.
In fact, with the new paradigmatic approach, not by treating everything with violence or guerrilla-linked organization as in the past, but to take the revolution on two basic pillars (guerrilla and serhildan) and turn it into a power on these legs; A new perspective has developed, which is based on being a social will and gives more space to social violence. In the previous Protracted People’s War, everything was done for the guerrilla, namely the Red Army, to grow, strengthen and win the war. TRUE; there are also popular uprisings; Undoubtedly, the place of the people has been placed strongly, but everything has been designed according to the strengthening of the army. In other words, there is a revolutionary targeting situation based on the army.
However, from the perspective of the Democratic Ecological Society Paradigm, there is a case of dealing with the guerrilla together with the social leg. In other words, a new understanding of struggle has been shaped on the basis of the idea of revealing a revolutionary force and power on the basis of giving more importance to social violence, organizing the society, gaining willpower, and doing what the guerrilla and society will do mutually. Until 2010, this was a period of struggle that was accompanied by a process that constantly imposed a democratic solution, struggled for it, made various initiatives and declared ceasefires.
IF NO DEMOCRATIC CONSTITUTIONAL SOLUTION IS AVAILABLE, REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE’S WAR IS THE OPTION
However, there is the fact that the Turkish state considers all the democratic solution seeking and ceasefire processes as a special war tactic, and uses it to weaken and stretch the revolutionary movement, to gain time and impose the liquidation. Leader Apo said that our revolution was not without an option, after it was seen that the Turkish state used it in different ways during the AKP period against the initiatives made many times, did not accept the will of the Kurdish people, never gave up on liquidating the revolutionary forces, and used it to liquidate the revolution even if it accepted the ceasefires somehow. and stated that there is another option. In this context, our priority option is a democratic-constitutional solution, that all efforts should be made and we are showing it for the development of a democratic-constitutional solution; the intensification of the popular movement on this issue, The objective of imposing a democratic constitutional solution by waging a struggle, demonstrating its power through various social activities, that is, empowering the political struggle and intensifying the social struggle, was set concretely. But if, despite all efforts, the sovereign state does not cease to use violence and seeks to eliminate the revolutionary forces with violence, then the second option of the revolutionary forces should also be on the agenda. This is the solution to the Revolutionary People’s War. In other words, the first option (democratic constitutional solution) is our choice, but if, despite all efforts, this does not happen and the liquidation is imposed and it is violently wanted to be practiced, the revolutionary forces put forward to develop the solution with the Revolutionary People’s War option. Based on its own power as the Fourth Strategic Period, The process of creating and developing the solution came into the agenda in this way. This new strategic period came to the fore with the approach of ‘If the sovereign state power against us does not come to a solution, we will develop our own solution based on our own power’.
THE BIGGEST DIFFERENCE IS THE PARADIGMALISM APPROACH, THE MAIN POWER IS THE PEOPLE
The Revolutionary People’s War and the Prolonged People’s War are the continuation of each other. But there is also a difference between them. Our Leader also uses the concept of Revolutionary People’s War to a great extent in his retrospective evaluations. Undoubtedly, they are all revolutionary wars in the final analysis, but there is a certain difference between them.
We implemented the Long-Term People’s War between China and Vietnam in Kurdistan from ’84 to ’99. It is a process that we can directly call the ‘Long-Term People’s War’. After that, there is an interim period with the paradigm shift. This process, which we can also define as ‘serhildan’ and ‘guerrilla’ processes, is a process that intensifies with a perspective of struggle that imposes a democratic solution. When obstacles were put in front of the democratic solution, it became concrete in the form of the Revolutionary People’s War and experienced a renewal of perspective. Of course, its history is based on the Long-Term People’s War. So what is the difference between both strategies?
Undoubtedly, the biggest difference is the perspective; paradigmatic approach. While the Long-Term People’s War envisages statehood and an approach based on violence, the Revolutionary People’s War is a more socialist understanding of struggle that emphasizes social violence and targets Democratic Confederalism, not the state.
In addition, there is a difference in power deployment. Not everything is guerrilla in the new strategy. TRUE; The guerrilla is the leading force, but the main force is the people, the revolutionary force needs to be shaped with the participation of the people. At this point, the importance of self-defense units to be organized among the people becomes more prominent.
The militia also has a place in the Prolonged People’s War, but the militia is in a position to support the guerrilla. In the Perspective of the Revolutionary People’s War, self-defense is a force in itself. In power positioning, there is a three-pronged revolution in the form of popular power, self-defense and guerrilla. These are the innovations on which the Revolutionary People’s War is based. It is a form of resistance that is more socialist, takes the social revolution approach as its axis, where the society defends itself and the society participates in the war. It is essentially a self-defense war.
A LEGAL RESISTANCE
Mainly, the Protracted People’s War is also a self-defense war. That is, it is not a war of aggression, but a war of self-defense against the power that attacks itself and its values. An outside power has invaded the country; plunders the land and water of the country; it forbids its language and culture; it aims at everything; Against this, there is a self-defense war, which is the legitimate right of society. Therefore, the effort of the Turkish state and various NATO forces to terrorize our movement is a complete distortion. It is the state that implements terror in Kurdistan; It is the state that kills people. It is the colonialist-genocide Turkish state that developed the occupation movement, banned the language, metamorphosed the culture, perpetrated physical and white genocide, and committed crimes against humanity. Then it is the most human right to resist it. It is legitimate for an attacked society to defend itself, including weapons, for its survival. This is also in the 1948 Declaration of the United Nations.
Now the resistance we have developed in Kurdistan is a legitimate resistance. Just as it is legitimate for the settled people to resist an occupation state anywhere in the world today, the same thing is legitimate in Kurdistan. The Revolutionary People’s War we developed in Kurdistan is a legitimate war; indispensable. Because everything of us is under attack. This society is wanted to be eliminated with the concept of annihilation, with the policy of genocide. The society is resisting to prevent this, to exist, to obtain the right to life, and this resistance is sacred. The right to life is a sacred right; It is a legitimate right. The resistance in Kurdistan is a sacred and legitimate resistance within this framework. The Revolutionary People’s War is a struggle for existence and freedom that should be handled in this way. It is self-defense and asserting the assertion of willpower.
SELF DEFENSE IS AN ESSENTIAL PRINCIPLE OF A FREE SOCIETY
To sum up, one of the most fundamental principles of our Democratic Ecological Society Paradigm Based on Women’s Freedom is the principle of self-defense. Because no living thing that cannot defend itself with its own power can maintain its permanent existence. Every living thing has a self-defense system, and with that system, it can live by protecting itself against other living things. This is also true for the animal kingdom; it is the same for humans; it is the same for plants; It is the same for societies. If a cultural entity wants to exist, it must be able to defend itself.
Of course, when we say defense, we should not understand it as a resistance carried out only with weapons. It would be a very narrow approach to understand it that way. Defense is primarily ideological, political, cultural, social, economic, etc. something that needs to be improved in many ways. A society must be self-sufficient in every sense. It must be strong enough to defend itself, to feed itself, to sustain itself. This is where the self-reliant, self-sufficient approach comes from. This is the essence of Leader Apo’s paradigmatic approach. Every society should be able to be self-sufficient. A free-democratic-moral society can only be reached in this way.
It is important to approach self-creation in a holistic manner through a social renewal and reconstruction process that will develop on the axis of women’s freedom. A free-democratic society can only be possible with the realization of the women’s revolution. Before the women’s revolution takes place, social freedom cannot be mentioned in a place where the male-dominated approach continues. Ecological life is out of question in a place where people use nature rudely. Therefore, we can only reach the moral-political social reality on the basis of the women’s revolution and the ecological revolution, and we can only protect it with the self-defense system.
An indispensable principle of a moral-political society or a free society is the principle of self-defense. Therefore, one of the nine dimensions that Leader Apo put forward in the perspective of building a new-democratic-free society is self-defense. As it is known, a society that builds itself on the basis of nine dimensions can defend itself as a democratic-free society; by continuing its existence, it can spread its revolutionary view with the understanding of Democratic Confederalism; thus, it can become the source of a regional revolutionary breakthrough on the basis of the Democratic Nation perspective. Otherwise, it is out of question for a power without self-defense to play such a pioneering mission and such a role. Because there are many chauvinistic, racist, fascist and violent state powers based on the understanding of capitalist modernity.
By self-defense, it is not meant to be content with an ordinary organization of the people and a semi-civil-semi-military structure. A self-defense that is capable of defending itself against all savage-aggressive forces armed with all kinds of weapons today can be a realistic self-defense. So self-defense cannot be developed from an amateur, ordinary military point of view. Any self-defense approach developed with such an understanding cannot be successful. In order to be successful, the process must be understood correctly, understood correctly, read correctly, and the process must design and organize itself according to the developing war technology and have a professional performance in self-defense warfare.
In this context, the Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla has survived a very important renewal process. First of all, a strong change-transformation has been experienced in the guerrilla with the restructuring projects developed in HPG on the basis of the reflection of the renewal of the paradigmatic transformation, which developed from Leader Apo’s evaluation of the scientific and technical revolution, to the military field and its meaning by discussing and assimilating to a certain extent. Without this radical renewal, it is not possible for a classical guerrilla organized according to the guerrilla model known as the Sino-Vietnamese model to defend and create itself against the modern weapons and technology-enhanced intelligence power in the hands of today’s sovereign states.
RESTRUCTURING PROJECTS WERE VERY IMPORTANT
At this point, the concentrations developed on the HPG’s efforts to read the process correctly within the framework of Leader Apo’s new paradigm and on what formation the guerrilla should achieve as a tactical leader on this basis, on this basis, restructuring projects that were on the agenda at various intervals from 2001 to 2018. it was very important. Especially without the restructuring project, which was started in 2013 and carried to a new level in 2018, the guerrilla would not have been able to develop the resistance at this level and even continue its existence. Because as a result of the reflection of the developing science on the war vehicles, especially the space science has made a huge development; The Global Positioning System (GPS) can be used in a more qualified way; in parallel with this, the development of an intelligent missile system that can be locked to targets in a guided manner; multidimensional evaluation of laser beams in this regard; development of the thermal system again; giving tactical qualifications to unmanned aerial vehicles; The fact that the satellite system has reached the level of being able to observe the entire world in a way that will take it in the palm of its hand, and the fact that all of them are used in a coordinated way on the battlefield has radically changed all classical warfare strategies and tactics. This is a situation that applies not only to the guerrilla but to all world powers. The armies that cannot read this correctly, understand it correctly and do not renew itself according to time cannot win the war in the new period. development of the thermal system again; giving tactical qualifications to unmanned aerial vehicles; The fact that the satellite system has reached the level of being able to observe the entire world in a way that will take it in the palm of its hand, and the fact that all of them are used in a coordinated way on the battlefield has radically changed all classical warfare strategies and tactics. This is a situation that applies not only to the guerrilla but to all world powers.
The armies that cannot read this correctly, understand it correctly and do not renew itself according to time cannot win the war in the new period. development of the thermal system again; giving tactical qualifications to unmanned aerial vehicles; The fact that the satellite system has reached the level of being able to observe the entire world in a way that will take it in the palm of its hand, and the fact that all of them are used in a coordinated way on the battlefield has radically changed all classical warfare strategies and tactics. This is a situation that applies not only to the guerrilla but to all world powers. The armies that cannot read this correctly, understand it correctly and do not renew itself according to time cannot win the war in the new period. The fact that the satellite system has reached the level of being able to observe the entire world in a way that will take it in the palm of its hand, and the fact that all of them are used in a coordinated way on the battlefield has radically changed all classical warfare strategies and tactics. This is a situation that applies not only to the guerrilla but to all world powers. The armies that cannot read this correctly, understand it correctly and do not renew itself according to time cannot win the war in the new period. The fact that the satellite system has reached the level of being able to observe the entire world in a way that will take it in the palm of its hand, and the fact that all of them are used in a coordinated way on the battlefield has radically changed all classical warfare strategies and tactics. This is a situation that applies not only to the guerrilla but to all world powers. The armies that cannot read this correctly, understand it correctly and do not renew itself according to time cannot win the war in the new period.
We can give the Armenian army as the most striking example of this. The Armenian army was qualitatively stronger than the Azeri army in terms of combat courage and determination. For example, in the early ’90s, he showed his strength and defeated the Azeri army and won. But in the course of time, he did not renew himself tactically and technically and stood in place. The Azeri army, on the other hand, experienced a certain renewal with the support of Turkey and some other states, and this time the Armenian army was defeated.
TODAY’S GUERILLA IS NOT EVEN YESTERDAY’S GUERILLA
Today, the most important problem for all armies all over the world is the problem of keeping up with the developing technology of the age. For this reason, restructuring projects are always on the agenda in all armies. The Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla also read this on the basis of Leader Apo’s perspectives, and on this basis, it has always renewed itself by keeping the reconstruction projects alive. In other words, today’s guerrilla is not the guerrilla of five years ago, nor is it even the guerrilla of yesterday.
One of the most important factors in determining the fate of today’s wars is intelligence. Intelligence plays an increasing role in wars today. In fact, technique comes after intelligence. However, it is the person who uses both intelligence and technique. Therefore, today, the most fundamental factor in winning a war is human skill and human quality. In other words, the forces with the widest and deepest war capability can win the wars with the commanders, warriors and soldiers. Yes, the most necessary thing in a war in every period is courage, faith and ideological stance; Without them, a war cannot be won. Today, we know the reality of the guerrilla that has reached determination and sacrificed on the basis of Leader Apo’s philosophy and ideology in the war waged in Kurdistan. This reality is also the basis of our war. However, a power that can use rich methods in war tactics, put technique into the service of tactics, and has technical dominance and expertise can only be successful in war practice. In short, the most indispensable thing in wars is the ideological stance and spiritual determination of the person fighting. Of course, in addition to this, tactical intelligence, creativity and depth are essential. Following these, being able to meet today’s technique correctly, discarding the counter-technique and using the technique in hand correctly comes as a third important factor. Only a professional soldier with such expertise can win battles. It is the ideological stance and spiritual determination of the warring person. Of course, in addition to this, tactical intelligence, creativity and depth are essential. Following these, being able to meet today’s technique correctly, discarding the counter-technique and using the technique in hand correctly comes as a third important factor. Only a professional soldier with such expertise can win battles. It is the ideological stance and spiritual determination of the warring person. Of course, in addition to this, tactical intelligence, creativity and depth are essential. Following these, being able to meet today’s technique correctly, discarding the counter-technique and using the technique in hand correctly comes as a third important factor. Only a professional soldier with such expertise can win battles.
We consider professionalism on 3 pillars: First, ideological determination; second, tactical competence and military life, discipline; The third is the specialization in war technique and the development of branching based on this. The professional soldier will be shaped by the coming together of these three pillars.
The Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla has been focusing on these three links, namely becoming a professional soldier, especially during the restructuring process it has deepened since 2018. On this basis, the Zap, Avaşîn and Metina resistance is being developed today; It can stand up with great willpower, courage and tactical ability against all kinds of air and ground attacks in Dersim, Amed, Serhat and Botan.
He always says about our enemy, the Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla, ‘we finished it, we are finishing it, we will finish it’, but he cannot finish it. The reason he could not finish is the determined ideological, tactical and military expertise stance of the guerrilla. Since the Kurdistan guerrilla is able to create this in itself, it is able to resist today and somehow nullify all the attacks of the enemy based on modern technology. Admittedly, this is not an easily attainable level. We lost a lot on this road. Falling and rising have happened a lot and today’s level has been revealed by going through a great experience. This is the result of the concentration of the guerrilla in terms of the correct application of Leader Apo’s ‘we will neither live as before, nor fight as before’, and again ’24-hour guerrilla’ perspective in practice.
THE FUNDAMENTAL SOURCE THE WAR IS BASED ON
The level of ideological sacrifice that the Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla has reached today is an important level. The fact of sacrifice is an important reality that manifested itself in the first emergence of our movement, showed its effect in the most fateful moments and became a tradition. The first bouncer of our movement is Leader Apo. Leader Apo started his work with a self-sacrificing exit and played the most important role in reaching the level reached today by passing through thousands of fire circles in the course of time. Then, along with the stance of the Mazlum Doğans, Ferhat Kurtays and the July 14 resistance, the self-sacrificing stance of the Egîds, Zîlans, Berîtans and Berîvans left their mark on their era. In the process that developed together with the International Conspiracy, the sacrifice became an institution within the Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla. Hundreds of self-defense activists in the person of Hêzên Taybet appeared on the stage of history, and the Immortals Battalion reached the level of development, as it was most recently revealed in the practices of comrades Sara Tolhildan and Rûken Zelal in Mersin. In other words, the ideological determination and the Apoist self-sacrificing spirit are actually the main source on which our war is based. This has been so from the very beginning.
But there are some things that should have been there from the beginning or not. The first of these is the tactical dimension. In other words, tactical leadership and practical practitioners had to develop a creativity suitable for the ideological formation we mentioned above. This has not been developed enough. Again, the development of specialization on war technique was not carried out much. In this regard, it can be stated that if the guerrilla had achieved even one-third of its current performance in the ’90s, the process would have been won at that time. It is possible to say this in terms of both tactical approach and military expertise performance.
For example; In ’96, the Leadership put before us the tactic of war based on terrain. We could have responded and repulsed the enemy attacks in ’97 and ’98 competently if we had relied on the underground position to a certain extent, although not similar to the current tunnel system, and improved the underground deployment system from that time. This project was made, discussed, but not implemented. In terms of the administrations, there was a process where the newly appointed commanding level applied its own style and understanding, ignoring the previous plans in the area it went to. Especially in the ’90s, the situation of the command was like this. A system of states was formed, in which everyone read what he knew, based on his own style, and this led to the formation of a different style for each state over time. Each province has experienced its own PKK involvement, He practiced his own style of warfare. Each incoming commander developed a new system for himself. For example; In ’96 ARGK Headquarters brought about 100 militias to the Zap area to develop the underground system; technical opportunity was created but then there was a change of management and that project was not implemented. However, if we had switched to a tunnel system like today, the enemy did not have today’s technique at that time. He couldn’t even get to that district. Let alone today’s tunnel system, the situation could have been different if, as I mentioned, we could implement one-third of the way and pass a guerrilla fighting above ground to a certain level semi-underground. technical opportunity was created but then there was a change of management and that project was not implemented. However, if we had switched to a tunnel system like today, the enemy did not have today’s technique at that time. He couldn’t even get to that district. Let alone today’s tunnel system, the situation could have been different if, as I mentioned, we could implement one-third of the way and pass a guerrilla fighting above ground to a certain level semi-underground. technical opportunity was created but then there was a change of management and that project was not implemented. However, if we had switched to a tunnel system like today, the enemy did not have today’s technique at that time. He couldn’t even get to that district. Let alone today’s tunnel system, the situation could have been different if, as I mentioned, we could implement one-third of the way and pass a guerrilla fighting above ground to a certain level semi-underground.
Of course, in parallel with this, it was necessary to enrich the tactical approaches. Of course, nothing could happen just by going underground. We state these evaluations in terms of the development of tactical mentality. The leadership put before us the tactic of war based on terrain as early as ’96. At the Military Council Meeting that took place at that time, Sun Tzu’s The Art of War was read and discussed for a week, but when everyone went to their province, he applied himself again. Therefore, the existing possibilities could not be evaluated. However, the successive developments as a result of the mistakes of that time, the most serious of which was the capture of our Leader, forced the guerrillas of today to see the truth; this basically caused him to turn to himself and create a change in himself.
If we give another example; In fact, we learned today’s sabotage science from the Palestinians in 1981. In other words, we were taught the science of sabotage today during the Lebanese-Palestinian education process. We learned about the remote-controlled bomb at that time, but we could only implement it after 2004. In other words, it is a reality that we implement with a delay of 33 years. However, it could be implemented together with the ’84 Breakthrough’. But classical, straight and rough approaches and gang-like attitudes preceded measure, depth and refinement. Therefore, while the determination that permeated all our strength was at the highest level, our war took a form that aimed to achieve results with bombs at a very close range, as there was no delicacy, depth and measure that needed to be developed in parallel with this. As a result, the ability to destroy and neutralize targets from afar remained very weak.
Today, however, these shortcomings have been overcome to a certain extent. Although we cannot say that it has been completely overcome, the progress made step by step has revealed the current level of war and resistance. Let me reiterate; it was not easy; This was accomplished with great effort and hard work. In other words, it was the heroism, labor and effort of the martyrs. Concentration based on the framework and effort put forward by Leader Apo, various practical practices carried out by our martyrs, and the discussions and practices of all comrades on ‘how can war develop in the new era’ have revealed the current level.
FOUR FOUNDATIONS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE’S WAR
Today, the practice developed and the results in Medya Defense Areas are an important issue not only for the Medya Defense Areas, but also for the liberated areas such as Rojava and Shengal, and for all the powers that have to defend their country and land against the dominant powers with modern warfare techniques all over the world. is experimentation and experience. We talked about the 3 main pillars of the Revolutionary People’s War; We said “guerrilla, people and self-defense forces”. A fourth pillar is the ‘underground war’.
Today, the underground mode of warfare is a fundamental factor in the Revolutionary People’s War. It is very difficult to stand without relying on the underground against today’s developing technology, especially air attack vehicles. The underground system is the most important factor and principle of the Revolutionary People’s War. This is a situation that emerged in the Kurdistan revolution. TRUE; In fact, a certain level of underground shelter system has been used in China and Vietnam, but this method has been evaluated for certain stages there. Now, in the practice developed in Kurdistan, a strategy based entirely on underground warfare is taking place in parallel with the highly professionalized all-out guerrilla warfare. This is an important strategy. If Rojava takes this tactical framework as a basis in the face of the possibility of the colonial-genocidal Turkish state attacking Rojava today, for example, the right approach and participation of the people in the war; With the organization of self-defense, the combat power’s ability to develop expert warfare, and underground resilience, whatever army attacks will be blocked there. In this sense, the practice put forward in Zap, Avaşîn and Metîna for 2 years is the most striking indicator of this. In this respect, the resistance in Zap, Avaşîn and Metîna is very valuable. It represents an important value both in terms of becoming a will of the people of Kurdistan and in terms of the tactical contribution it offers internationally. Just as Leader Apo provided a great service to humanity with the democratic modernity paradigm against capitalist modernity, the democratic modernity guerrilla that developed in Kurdistan based on this paradigm also offers an experience to humanity with its tactical approaches.
Today, it is possible to defend free areas against the most advanced technology. Defending free areas is a fundamental problem for the oppressed people all over the world today. Because the development of technology, which we have explained above, has caused all war doctrines to change. However, the Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla, especially with the war they waged in Zap, Metîna and Avaşîn, has destroyed the thesis that free areas cannot be defended. Although the colonialist-genocidal Turkish state used the most advanced technique of the era in these areas, and intensively used tactical nuclear, thermobaric and phosphorus bombs and chemical weapons, which are prohibited by international laws, today they could not get the Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla out of there. Yes; he himself settled in certain places, but the existence of guerrilla in the same areas is still in question. The positions are facing each other and the resistance has been continuing in the same positions for 2 years without interruption for 8 months. This presents the largest data on whether the current tactical approach can be successful.
CHANGE IN THE GUERILLA’S SYSTEM
At this point, it is necessary to talk about the change in the guerrilla system. Of course, this change-transformation has many dimensions and we cannot explain all of them here. Because this subject is such a comprehensive subject that it could be a series-book on its own. However, this point should be mentioned briefly:
Today, team organization is the basis of the guerrilla system in Kurdistan. A military power that does not rely on the team system suffers great losses in the face of high technology; Therefore, it cannot be successful. In our opinion, this is true not only for guerrilla but also for classical armies. Today, there is a guerrilla reality in Kurdistan that reduces its power but increases its quality. A force of one team can unleash as much combat skill as a battalion. Tunnel warfare based on the same expertise as the team warfare style based on expertise has clogged the Turkish army today. The guerrilla order, based on expertise, ideological stability, and a coordinated team system, is a new order.
In the past, there were companies, battalions, regiments, brigades in the guerrilla. There may be troop, battalion, or brigade systems, which are now also superior to the team system, although not in exactly the same form. However, no matter how big a power is, even if it is not in number but in tens of thousands, it is still important that all this power is organized according to the team system and that it fights accordingly. We call this ‘Coordinated Guerrilla Team War’. In other words, the team style, which consists of units ranging from 3 to 5 people, spread over the land in large or small sizes, is the main link of the new era war understanding.
Team combat style refers to a style that is valid all over the world today. It will achieve greater success if it is developed competently in Ukraine as well. But in Kurdistan, the guerrilla carried out the tactical strategy of balancing the enemy’s air superiority, especially by spreading over the land and also relying on the underground. The Turkish state made its planning based on air power, assuming that if it could not get results from it, based on banned chemical gases, the guerrilla should develop the underground tunnel system and develop its construction with agility to withstand chemical weapons and tactical nuclear weapons; In addition to this, by spreading itself over the ground, it also balanced the weapons that gave the enemy superiority to some extent.
The war waged in the practice of Zap, Metîna and Avaşîn today did not show the power to stand against the enemy only in the balance period we have explained since the beginning of our struggle. Throughout history, whether in the Ottoman period or the Turkish Republic, any Kurdish resistance that has developed up to now has never developed the strength to continue the resistance in the same position for 8 months without interruption. TRUE; Pain Resistance lasted for 4 years, but that war was fought intermittently, that is, in the form of conflicts that were carried out for a few days at a time. As a matter of fact, as we stated later in this article, after the Zîlan Massacre, the insurgents were forced to retreat with a comprehensive orientation, and the rest retreated to Eastern Kurdistan. In short, there has never been a situation of uninterrupted resistance to the same position for 8 months as it is today. This,
We are a will. Since this level of resistance has been revealed, our people can be a political will today. Undoubtedly, the most important pillar of this is Leader Apo’s resistance in Imrali. Leader Apo’s patience and fortitude to endure all the psychological torture attacks developed in Imrali in a superhuman way for 24 years, and his determined stance is a very historical resistance. Here, Leader Apo’s resistance in İmralı and this stance of the guerrilla in Zap, Metîna and Avaşîn bring together the will of the Kurdish people and the democratic forces in the region. Because this war that is being waged in Kurdistan today is not just a war of existence and freedom of the Kurdish people. At the same time, defending the democratic future of the peoples of the region, especially Turkey’s democracy and socialist forces, Just like in the past, it is the only resisting factor preventing the AKP-MHP fascist reaction in Turkey and the region, just as it did in the past. The stance of the Kurdistan Freedom Guerrilla and the stance of Leader Apo are the biggest obstacles to the permanence of fascism in Turkey today. Therefore, it represents a level of democratic struggle and resistance. If the guerrilla’s current resistance were not there, AKP-MHP fascism would have perpetuated its system in Turkey. The obstacle to this is today’s resistance. Leader Apo’s stance, effort, ideological formation and the resistance exhibited by the guerrilla today created the basis for our people to gain will. Today, the struggle in the field of democratic politics, which develops in partnership with the people of Kurdistan and left-socialist forces from Turkey, naturally gains strength from this ground and is getting stronger day by day. However, had it not been for the stance and resistance of our Leader and the guerrilla, that struggle would have somehow been dispersed by the attacks of fascism. In short, the developing struggle has a wide range of dynamics and the most important link of this is the resistance of the Kurdistan Guerrilla today with the Perspective of the Revolutionary People’s War.
PEOPLE’S AND SELF-DEFENSE FOOT IS NOT ENOUGH
But is the Revolutionary People’s War being waged adequately? Of course not. We talked about the four pillars of the Revolutionary People’s War. Currently, it is being carried out on two legs in Kurdistan in the Medya Defense Zone. In other words, there is a guerrilla and it reveals a will to some extent. The tactical formation of the guerrilla reveals a certain amount of resistance. There is also an understanding of people’s war based on the underground system. However, his public and self-defense foot is still not at a sufficient level. Yes; The self-defense organization also carries out actions from time to time in Turkey, in the metropolis and in various cities of Kurdistan, but it is still weak. There is also a militia war developed by HBDH in parallel. Although the activity of HBDH and YPS is considered collectively, today Zap
Our people have a determined stance. Recently, there is a stance that has been put forward in Rojava, Shengal, Maxmur, Silopi and Istanbul, especially our people in Europe. But this cannot be defined as a level that would correspond to the people’s war stance. We have deficiencies in this regard. Of course, while making these evaluations, we cadres will not criticize the public; surely we must first of all criticize ourselves; We must see our shortcomings. If there is a problem of organization of the social sphere today, it is a problem of our movement, our institutions and cadres. We have inadequacies in this regard. There are serious shortcomings that need to be overcome. It is necessary to overcome the inadequacies both in the organization of self-defense and in the organization of the serhildan movement.
When we approach this issue on the basis of Leader Apo’s 9-dimensional construction perspective, we will see how serious our inadequacies are. If we can make the Revolutionary People’s War sufficient and achieve a level that can apply it adequately, we will already get results. That’s when the revolution develops. That’s when the freedom of Kurdistan, the freedom of Leader Apo, the transformation and democratization of Turkey will develop. Today, the Kurdish problem is not only a problem of Turkey, but also a problem of the region. Solving the Kurdish problem means creating breathing tubes that will overcome the congestion experienced in many areas in the region. Therefore, the struggle for freedom and democracy waged by our movement and our friends, the struggle for Democratic Confederalism, and the struggle for democratic socialism should be addressed on this axis. We can build the democratic socialist life of the future only on the basis of society. Then the society needs to be involved in the process in a more competent, more intense and organized way with the perspective of the Revolutionary People’s War. If there are deficiencies in this regard, these deficiencies are undoubtedly our deficiencies and it is necessary to talk about a situation in which the staff should lead. Therefore, the right leadership should bring the people to the right level of organization. The leading dynamics in the people, especially women and youth, and their staff structures should consider themselves responsible for this issue. Otherwise, it is not possible to throw all the responsibility to the top management of the movement. Yes; The top management is responsible for this, but the staff at all levels should also consider themselves responsible for it. Wherever and whatever activity is carried out,
The women’s movement should be stronger when we approach it in terms of the rising self-defeating stance of free women, the resistance that developed after the martyrdom of Jîna Emini in Eastern Kurdistan, the leadership of the female militant stance rising in the person of Saras, Rukens, Nagihans and Peymans in Northern Kurdistan, and the spirit of the sacrifice. . Youth already have serious organizational problems. There is a situation where he cannot save himself from the practices of private war. Private warfare is directed towards the youth in all its aspects. The enemy employs all sorts of methods of lowering the youth. It uses all kinds of abusive methods against the youth, from the education system to drugs, from the hollowing out of culture and art to prostitution. Because the main force of the revolution is the youth, which consists of men and women. The enemy knows this too. Therefore, the main target of psychological warfare is taking the youth. Youth pioneers need to be much more competent against this. Engaging in a revolutionary activity that defeats all those special-psychological warfare tactics is essential for all youth vanguards.
In short, we cannot say that the Revolutionary People’s War has been adequately implemented. We do not specify this only in terms of self-defense organization and social organization; There are still inadequacies in the guerrilla area. These are issues that come up on a daily basis. We can make the Revolutionary People’s War applicable on the basis of recognizing the inadequacies experienced in every issue and in all areas of the struggle and correcting them with correct Apoist methods. In this respect, it is necessary to focus on the problems.
THE REVOLUTIONARY PEOPLE’S WAR HAS CONDITIONS
As a result; today in Zap, Avaşîn and Metîna, commanders such as Nuri Yekta, Mizgîn Ronahî, Zamani and Güven; Sacrificial pioneers such as Bager, Avzem, Arîn and Şerzan; We can reveal a sufficient level of leadership and practice in the field of guerrilla by seeing the inadequacies of the glorious resistance created by the labor of heroic militants such as Helbest and Baz, by taking lessons from the experiences so far and making them more competent, and thus putting the shaped formation of the 21st century guerrilla into proper practice. Again, by empowering the serhildan process in the field of youth and women and, of course, in the social field as a whole, we can make the Revolutionary People’s War practical with the correct role of the leading forces. It has conditions. Both the developments in our region and the developments in our country, shows that this is possible. The new cyclical situation created by the Third World War in the region and in the world has also made the basis for this stronger. All these situations inevitably impose success on us and on all forces of freedom and democracy. Based on this, we should absolutely aim to achieve more important results in the upcoming period, especially in the 45th anniversary of the PKK, by practicing the Revolutionary People’s War Perspective more competently.
The existing conditions in this regard are suitable for the perfection of revolutionary work, and as the militants of this movement, as a requirement of our promises to all martyrs, our Leader, and our people, we must fulfill this vital task in this important period of history and respond to the expectations of the Leadership, our martyrs and mothers from Kurdistan. All People’s Defense Forces approach the process with this responsibility and are very hopeful and determined to carry the freedom struggle to a successful process by keeping the spirit of all our heroic martyrs alive.
