BEHDINAN – 15 years of guerrilla warfare, a national liberation war sufficient to solve any colonial problem; Reminding that the political solution project put forward by the Kurdish People’s Leader in Rome is a sufficient project for its political solution, PKK Executive Committee Member Duran Kalkan said, “Neither the nation-state solution envisaged by the 15-year war was realized, nor the European environment taking action with the 8-point political solution program. He took a step towards the political solution of the Kurdish problem. Annihilation was imposed on the Leader who carried out all these works. The road to Imrali was shown. It was seen that the Imrali torture and isolation system was debunked and abandoned. This is what the reality of the international conspiracy expresses.”
Noting that what happened all over the world in the name of national liberation movements throughout the 20th century was not a solution, even such a solution was already closed in Kurdistan, and the system did not even allow it, Kalkan underlined the following: It enabled the PKK to overcome the international conspiracy and its mentality and politics at the level of understanding, along the ideological-political line, and to come up with an understanding and policy that would solve the Kurdish problem at a level that would defeat the international conspiracy. This was to overcome the international conspiracy, thus revealing that the international conspiracy can be defeated by fighting. Leader Apo created an impotent and non-statist mentality and ideology. He liberated socialism and democracy from the monopoly of the state and power, united them among themselves and defined democratic socialism. He defined the democratic nation as its social project. She defined democratic autonomy and democratic confederalism as her political project and based all this on women’s liberation and social ecology. This was overcoming the deadlock at the Leadership level and making the solution viable, finding and realizing the solution. The Third Leadership Emergence represents such a development.” Overcoming the deadlock at the leadership level and making the solution viable was the finding and realization of the solution. The Third Leadership Emergence represents such a development.” Overcoming the deadlock at the leadership level and making the solution viable was the finding and realization of the solution. The Third Leadership Emergence represents such a development.”
PKK Executive Committee Member Duran Kalkan answered ANF’s questions on the occasion of the anniversary of the international conspiracy launched on 9 October 1998 against Kurdish People’s Leader Abdullah Öcalan. The third part of the interview is as follows:
What were the attacks of the capitalist modernist powers during the 25-year struggle; What did you encounter ideologically, politically and militarily, what kind of plan was implemented?
Quite a meaningful question. Indeed, it requires multi-faceted research and examination in all its dimensions, because it is highly educational. Anyone in a similar situation can benefit. In short, we can dwell on the application situation. For example, there are power blocs in the struggle over Kurdistan. They are carrying out the Kurdish genocide. They are in conflict with the Kurdish people and the freedom struggle, but there is also conflict and conflict among themselves. From time to time, these contradictions and conflicts between themselves and the struggle over Kurdistan also overlap. For example, one side decided, planned, organized and implemented the international conspiracy. Who was this party? It was the US-led party; USA, He used all the states and organizations under his influence, based on NATO, together with Britain and Israel, in the international conspiracy attack directed against Leader Apo. Thus, they wanted to destroy Leader Apo and liquidate the PKK based on this.
As a matter of fact, when the conspiracy of February 15, 1999 was carried out, such forces were immediately put forward, and they started to propagate that the PKK had 6 months to live, and that the PKK would be completely eliminated after six months. In other words, they were in favor of the destruction of Leader Apo and the liquidation of the PKK through an international conspiracy attack. So, what did the opposing forces do in the power conflict in Kurdistan and the world? They also watched the developments insidiously, looking at the situation the PKK was in and planning themselves in such a way that the forces destroyed and liquidated by the US bloc would be destroyed, but those who survived and could not be destroyed would also come and fall into their own plans, surrender to them, and become used by themselves. He had an approach to let them come. For example, such was the PUK-Iran planning in 2000.
Based on the results of the attacks carried out by the USA and the Turkish Republic throughout 1999, they thought that the PKK members who survived this in 2000 would not develop an independent will, and thought that they would surrender to them, and they turned to develop policies to take over the PKK circles, to create political-military plans and act accordingly. . From May 2000, they tried to surround the PKK in Qandil. When winter comes, the PKK becomes helpless and surrenders to us.
IRAN AND THE YNK BLOCK AIM TO COMPLETE
The war between the PKK and the PUK in September 2000 emerged because of this plan. The PKK saw the danger, understood the PUK’s attitude towards this danger. Of course, he was also a little angry, angry. On the other hand, the weak leg of this plan was the PUK. Therefore, the war with the PUK overturned the said plan. The Iran-PUK bloc, which is the opposite of the US bloc, was actually aiming to complete what the US bloc did in the destruction and liquidation of the PKK. They said that if the US bloc is destroying and liquidating most of it, let the rest of them surrender to us, let’s use it, so that we can complete the destruction and liquidation of the PKK by the conspiracy. It was that dangerous. In fact, similar approaches continue now. I am stating it for him. Such is the reflection of the contradiction and conflict between different power blocs on the Kurdish free struggle, on the PKK. Similar situations still arise from time to time.
On the other hand, we talked about a sugar and whip policy. In fact, this is the method of oppression and exploitation applied by all sovereign powers. This is the method used in all colonies. This is always practiced in Kurdistan as well. It was used before the conspiracy. It is also applied after the conspiracy. They continue the “sugar-whip policy” in its current form. How do they keep up? They give the Turkish Republic every opportunity, support, technique and political privilege. They make the PKK attack, just as it did between 1993-98, so that it can force it, strike it, and try to destroy it. On the other hand, what they did to Leader Apo then, they are now doing to the PKK administration. If the PKK members, who have been hit, trapped or forced, are looking for shelter, they stretch out their hands, creating the impression that you can take shelter in us. To complete repression and destruction attacks from the other end with such methods, Thus, they want to carry out the destruction and liquidation of the PKK. The same is the case today, similar methods are being applied very clearly.
It is very clear that; With the support of the USA, the TC-KDP alliance is mobilizing all its strength to liquidate the PKK and attacking. Actually, the power behind the attack is the USA. However, on the one hand, they may take an attitude as if they will prevent it if their wishes are accepted, as if they are not responsible for it.
‘TREASURE’ AS A METHOD OF POLITICAL AND MILITARY ATTACK
Another method of political-military attack we have encountered in the last 25 years has been the following: Our political and military struggle developed and the colonialist-genocide TC. When he put his guerrilla system into trouble, some circles immediately stepped in, saying, “We will have a ceasefire, we will be a mediator, we will develop a political solution,” and wanted to bring the PKK back from the level of struggle it had developed, to cut it off from the struggle. We encountered something like this very concretely in 2006. In February 2006, a very important process developed with the protest of the society against the February 15 conspiracy. The martyrdom and call of Comrade Viyan Soran, and Leader Apo’s stance and resistance were also very effective in this. The low-intensity actions of the guerrilla as of June 1, 2004 had an impact. The society took to the streets saying “We don’t want to live with the Imrali system”. He protested the conspiracy. Then there was a very strong Newroz celebration. After Newroz, the people stayed on the streets of Diyarbakır for a week. He did not enter the house. Youth took the streets. By April 4, by May, a large mass movement developed. Then, guerrilla actions took over this situation and TC in every state until the end of May, June and July. Very powerful military actions developed that dealt fatal blows to his army. In fact, TC with public and guerrilla actions. system had come to the point of collapse politically and militarily. In such an environment, the USA immediately intervened. In August 2006, he made an open call to the PKK, saying, “If there is a ceasefire, we will develop a political solution.” They made the KDP an intermediary. They even activated DTP-like forces in Bakur. They secretly sent some circles and made them meet with Leader Apo and made this promise. Thereupon, Leader Apo made a call. On 1 October 2006, the Fifth Unilateral Ceasefire Process was declared. We declared a ceasefire. October has passed. It was the end of November, the process gradually changed. “I cannot mediate,” the KDP withdrew. The United States has come to talk about war, not a ceasefire. The drums of war began to sound again in Turkey. As a result, the following emerged for the Kurds and the PKK: It turned out to be a game designed to eliminate the level of the political people’s struggle in the spring of 2006 and the military struggle in the summer. We have seen and experienced this clearly. Leader Apo still evaluates this situation and criticizes those who promised him. He rightly accuses them of not keeping their promises. After all, we clearly encountered such a game situation. The process has gradually changed. “I cannot mediate,” the KDP withdrew. The United States has come to talk about war, not a ceasefire. The drums of war began to sound again in Turkey. As a result, the following emerged for the Kurds and the PKK: It turned out to be a game designed to eliminate the level of the political people’s struggle in the spring of 2006 and the military struggle in the summer. We have seen and experienced this clearly. Leader Apo still evaluates this situation and criticizes those who promised him. He rightly accuses them of not keeping their promises. After all, we clearly encountered such a game situation. The process has gradually changed. “I cannot mediate,” the KDP withdrew. The United States has come to talk about war, not a ceasefire. The drums of war began to sound again in Turkey. As a result, the following emerged for the Kurds and the PKK: It turned out to be a game designed to eliminate the level of the political people’s struggle in the spring of 2006 and the military struggle in the summer. We have seen and experienced this clearly. Leader Apo still evaluates this situation and criticizes those who promised him. He rightly accuses them of not keeping their promises. After all, we clearly encountered such a game situation. It turned out to be a game planned to eliminate the level of the political popular struggle in the spring of 2006 and the military struggle in the summer. We have seen and experienced this clearly. Leader Apo still evaluates this situation and criticizes those who promised him. He rightly accuses them of not keeping their promises. After all, we clearly encountered such a game situation. It turned out to be a game planned to eliminate the level of the political popular struggle in the spring of 2006 and the military struggle in the summer. We have seen and experienced this clearly. Leader Apo still evaluates this situation and criticizes those who promised him. He rightly accuses them of not keeping their promises. After all, we clearly encountered such a game situation.
LOTS OF GAME IN THESE
As they say, there is a lot of play in the Ottoman Empire. TR. Since it is the continuation of the Ottoman Empire, there is a lot of play in TC. Ottoman and TC. The game is even more in the AKP as it is a force that best unites and represents its administration. There is no need to list AKP games here. We saw what kind of games they applied after the local elections in March 2009. They said, “We are making a Kurdish initiative, a democratic initiative, a national unity initiative.” In fact, they tried to liquidate the political results obtained in Kurdistan at the referendum level of the Democratic Society Party in the March 29, 2009 local elections. They started the April 14 political genocide operations. Finally, on December 11, 2009, they got to the point of closing the Democratic Society Party.
Again, although Leader Apo conducted the meetings in Imrali with great seriousness, we know that the AKP treats the personality of Tayyip Erdogan as a game. There have been many meetings, these have been discussed and decided. They were translated into written resolutions. Until the PKK administration, these came as a draft resolution. The PKK administration discussed and made changes. He stated that he accepted. However, it should be noted that none of them were implemented. This was also the case in 2011 and 2013. It turns out that most of what is called the “solution process” is for this purpose. We have come across such games and approaches.
ISIS AND ATTACKS THROUGH DAESH
In this regard, let’s talk about the attacks carried out through DAESH and DAESH in the political and military context; ISIS attacks from Shengal to Maxmur, then to Kobanê and all of Rojavayê Kurdistan were important. Therefore, the fight against DAESH also played an important role. The circles that created ISIS and paved the way for it were also worried and alarmed by the rapid development and unavoidability of ISIS. Therefore, they had to support the Kurdish resistance in order to be successful. This is how the coalition formed on the basis of the Kobanê resistance should be evaluated. It was also very effective politically and militarily. It also led to new developments. What did this show us? In fact, the AKP administration and the personality of Tayyip Erdoğan were behind the ISIS attack on Kobanê. The ISIS members had to admit this in the end. How did the process develop? Kobanê, Maxmur, by ISIS When the attacks against Kurdistan and the Kurds over Shengal failed, this time, starting from July 24, 2015, the AKP made an agreement with the USA and then came to an alliance with the MHP and KDP, and under the name of “We are fighting against ISIS”, a new campaign against the PKK was made. launched an attack of extermination and liquidation. They call it the “Plump Action Plan”. They have been continuing these attacks on the basis of making new plans every year since July 24, 2015.
Within the scope of these attacks, AKP-MHP united. In fact, AKP became MHP. MHP has deviated to the Turanci, racist, Turkist line. Together they formed the line of Turkish-Islamic synthesis. At the same time, they developed an alliance with the KDP. Under the direction of the USA, the KDP completely surrendered to this alliance of the AKP-MHP against the PKK. He made a whole with it. The USA is leading them. He backs up. Let’s be careful, all kinds of political and military support is given to these attacks. No law or moral code is listened to. Massacres are committed every day in Kurdistan. Dungeons have become houses of torture. People are being murdered. Kurdish children and women are murdered every day under oppression and oppression. There is no rule of law or morality in Imrali. There has been no news from Önder Apo for 19 months. Against this, the UN, the European Union, and the CPT, which created the Imrali system, do not even say anything. Nobody says anything. It’s like TC. There is complete freedom in the practices developed by the AKP-MHP fascism against the Kurds. There is a situation where they can do what they want, behave as they want. All hell breaks loose when something small happens somewhere else.
CONSOLIDATED SYSTEM CONTINUES
Most recently, Iran threw a few balls at Southern Kurdistan and Iraqi lands, and everyone, especially the Southern Kurdistan Administration, condemned Iran. TR. The state has occupied the most strategic areas of Southern Kurdistan, hundreds of square kilometers from Iraqi lands, and no one has said why they are doing this. Occupation is free to Turkey. Of course, they don’t just release. They provide all kinds of weapons and support. They give the latest model weapons, the most advanced technique. There is a level of support, unity and integrity at this level. On this basis, the system works just like the international conspiracy attack launched 24 years ago for the destruction of Leader Apo and the liquidation of the PKK. The conspirators are destroying and trying to destroy as much as they can. Those who seem to be their opponents are waiting with open hands to see if we will not have a share in the PKK’s destruction and liquidation process. The same system continues.
IDEOLOGICAL ATTACK SIZE IS VERY IMPORTANT
Of course, planned attacks in the political and military sphere can be expressed in more detail, because they are much broader. But the same process also has an ideological attack dimension. It’s also very important. It is of great benefit to examine and evaluate it in a similar way and to draw the necessary conclusions. For example, when the PKK was going to the 7th Extraordinary Congress at the beginning of 2000, even the PUK press, which was supposedly closest to it, wrote and propagated that the PKK would be disintegrated in the Congress, that there would be no such thing as the PKK anymore. However, if you do not write positively, it would be up to a Kurdish organization to remain silent. Of course, silence would not be enough. Still, it was necessary to develop a little supportive, hopeful word and behavior. It would have fallen to a Kurdish organization like this, but he was not seen. It is useful to know these, because they are all subject to criticism. Needs criticism and correction. There is definitely a need for such a correction in order to become a true Kurdish patriot.
Again, on the ground of the 7th Congress, we saw this: The “Grand Chessboard” book, describing the power of the US strategy, was in everyone’s hands, in the entire Congress area. Even then, we faced such an attack. It was a very strange situation. At the top of the mountain, as they say, “the genie is playing ball”, how were so many books brought to such an environment, who brought them? Some of them were brought by those who came from Europe. Then they became liquidators. It turned out that they actually came to the mountain to liquidate the PKK. There were some, but they did not bring them all.
Looks like someone was working underhand. Showing the power of America. There is already a psychological effect of America’s attacking the Leader on the basis of the conspiracy. With the book, they wanted to draw the PKK to a point where it would surrender to the USA by completing that mentality. The USA was mentally trying to conquer the PKK. The next process is known. Liquidation flourished. Ferhat-Botan liquidationism, 2002-2004 liquidationism was completely based on the developments in Southern Kurdistan and Iraq. It endured the US domination and occupation of Southern Kurdistan and Iraq. It was tried to be developed based on its extensions KDP and PUK. Just as Semir liquidationism was tried to be developed based on Germany, Sweden and the European Union in 1982-83, this time Ferhat-Botan liquidationism was developed based on the US invasion of Iraq, An attempt was made to break the PKK from the Apoist line and to withdraw to the US line. These were a multifaceted and heavy ideological-organizational line attack. It was an internal attack.
ALL KINDS OF MATERIAL ATTACKS
During this period, we faced all kinds of materialist attacks. As a movement, as its cadres, as men and women who are fighting for freedom within the PKK, we have indeed faced all kinds of materialistic attacks. Man’s motives, ego, gluttony, everything has been turned into a means of struggle. It was used as a tool of ideological struggle. These material areas of life, which we can define as human weakness, such as acting individually, breaking with discipline, modesty, good life, good food, dressing well, and satisfaction of simple motives, were used as methods of ideological struggle against the PKK. These were propagated, written and drawn in various forms. Such opportunities were given to the PKK. In this way, interventions were made in PKK environments in different areas.
Indeed, we have faced all kinds of attacks against our mentality, understanding and belief, as well as our way of life. We have faced all kinds of attacks aimed at changing the PKK’s lifestyle. In this regard, bourgeois liberalism has acted very creatively and effectively. You shouldn’t be entitled. They developed such masterful methods that they made such impressive attempts that they tried to impress and mislead people, to distance them from their own reality, and to confront them with the organization and the ideological line, so to speak. Some of them openly, some of them secretly. So much so that sometimes they openly propagandize that their situation is negative, liberal individualism and materialism are better, and sometimes they actually praise the life of the PKK, pretending to support it, but in essence, they subtly revised and changed the PKK’s mentality and lifestyle, and secretly tried to break people off from the PKK, to make them experience and deviate from the ideological-organizational line. We’ve encountered a lot of them.
ALL KINDS OF INSULTS TO THE MANAGEMENT WATCHING LEADER APO
When Leader Apo decided to fight for Imrali, we were exposed to many attacks. Much has been said that this will not be successful. In fact, all kinds of insults were made to our administration, which decided to follow Leader Apo. “What is wanted or wanted, the Apo era is over. We should rest a little. Many people said, “Now our word will pass.” They tended to take over the institutions and revolutionary possibilities, to seize them. They tended to organize and live on the opportunities created by the PKK. Now there are two types of attacks in this direction. It kind of does it openly. He openly criticizes the ideology, mentality and lifestyle of the PKK. He criticizes Leader Apo’s line of democratic civilization and the paradigm of democratic modernity. It turns out to be wrong. It praises nation-statism. It praises individualism, materialism.
A kind of attack is also carried out on this basis in a covert dimension. In fact, it is mostly done internally or developed based on technical possibilities and tools. The openly Leadership line, the reality of the PKK is not criticized or targeted, but in practice it is deviated from the inside, secretly. It is not implemented, it is changed, it is said that it is not seen as right where there is an opportunity, it is not rejected openly, but in the practice of organization and action, situations in the form of revision, change, and diversion are revealed by not fulfilling the requirements. Opportunism exists. In discourse, everything is said as if it is perfect, according to the line, in practice, the requirements of these are not fulfilled. Revised, changed. In practice, this leads to opportunism.
THERE IS CAPITALIST MODERNITY BEHIND IT ALL
These can be considered as natural class characteristics. They are the results of petty-bourgeois individualism, materialism. Again, it is the result of male-dominated mentality and political approach. In other words, there are attacks of petty-bourgeois ideology, male-dominated mentality and politics in the form of an ideological attack, class and gender attack. This is how we need to know. The male-dominated mentality, dominance, petty-bourgeois understandings, principles and measures are tried to be kept alive in the movement, and the cadres are drawn to male-dominated lines and petty-bourgeois understandings. This happens a lot in practical areas. Yes, individuals are the basis for this, it emerges in the person of individuals. But we should know that behind this is a planned, conscious, organized system attack. The capitalist system of modernity is attacking. The colonial-genocidal system is attacking.
What strategy and tactics did you fight against these attacks as the Kurdish Freedom Movement, and what were the developments revealed by this struggle? How did the line of struggle developed by Leader Apo affect the PKK, the people and the world’s societies ideologically, politically and militarily?
As the Leadership and Movement, we responded with some basic principled, ideological, political, strategic and tactical approaches. These 24 years witnessed one of the most meaningful, deep, and versatile struggles in history. This is a known fact. It doesn’t need to be overstated. Undoubtedly, there are many details in the 24-year implementation of such a multifaceted struggle. All of these details are important. It requires searching, searching, finding. Those who want to educate themselves, understand the Apoist line correctly, and learn the necessary lessons from the Kurdistan Freedom Struggle should research and examine these details. They must know how to reach their rich lessons. Only in this way can they learn the Apoist line and the lessons of the Kurdistan Freedom Struggle. They can train themselves on the basis of this line.
DIALECTIC OF CHANGE AND TRANSFORMATION
Of course, we cannot dwell on such details here. We would like to express a few headings in general lines. The first of these is the concepts of change and transformation. The content of these concepts is dialectic. As the Leadership and Movement, we responded to the 24-year-old attacks of the international conspiracy by developing the dialectic of change and transformation in the person of the individual, organization and struggle. When the lawyers first met with Önder Apo, when he started to prepare the 25-page “Declaration for a Democratic Solution to the Kurdish Question” that he submitted to the İmralı court, Önder Apo conveyed the following to us through the lawyers: We will change and transform. From head to toe. We will question everything. We will renew and restructure on the basis of change and transformation. “This is how I handle the process. I question my own past on this basis. I am changing and transforming myself to renew myself on this basis. Let all my friends approach the process like this. Let them follow what I do. Let them try to do as I did. They should consider the process as a multi-faceted and profound process of change and transformation.” This is really important. It was a message that really revealed the line of success in terms of the process.
Our management has discussed this. This approach was carried over to all cadres. It was even made available to the public. It has been the subject of intense debate. Beginning with the 7th Extraordinary Congress, there were discussions on the dialectic of change and transformation at all party meetings, conferences, congresses and management meetings. What should we change, how should we change, what should the transformation be, what did the reality of the international conspiracy reveal, what lessons should we draw from it, therefore, a mentality, ideological-political line, strategy and tactics, organization and action that exceeded and defeated the international conspiracy, not defeated it. We have been in a process that questions the past and learns its lessons in order to find answers to the questions of how we will reveal it, and that changes and transforms itself by reconsidering itself on the basis of these lessons.
If we look at the archives of the first years after the conspiracy, and review his writings, evaluations, discussion and meeting minutes, it will be seen that the most used concept in the PKK at that time was the concept of change and transformation. It was change and transformation that was the subject of the most debates. Everything was handled on the basis of the dialectic of change and transformation. It was not understood correctly and adequately, the desired development could not be achieved. In fact, sometimes change and transformation are said by heart like this, and its content has fallen into an incomprehensible situation.
We can’t say that everything is strong, right and perfect. There is volatility in practice. But no one denied change and transformation. No one denied, denied. He was not against change and transformation. He could not understand correctly and adequately, he could not create enough change and transformation in the way of struggle and organization in his own person. This is a separate issue, but there was no one who rejected or embraced change and transformation as a concept in terms of process. At least in the beginning, that was much more important. Later, 2002-2004 liquidationism wanted to bring its essence to a point that emptied and ridiculed it. He tugged and tugged. He wanted to weaken change and transformation in one aspect. The influence of the leadership and the coercion of the process were so strong that complete liquidationism could not pull itself to the point where it denies change and transformation. What did he do? to empty oneself, tried to reverse it. Seeing that he could not reject or deny change and transformation, and therefore could not adopt himself within the party if he opposed change and transformation, he tried to divert the direction of change and transformation.
Leader Apo defines and develops change and transformation on a revolutionary, libertarian basis, on the basis of democratization, on the basis of solving the Kurdish problem within this framework, more towards Apoism, militancy, partisanship, guerrillaization, and democratic nationhood, while the liquidators want to develop the change and transformation more towards gaining power, becoming a state, becoming a member of the KDP. tried to define it as bureaucratization and internalization. Thus, they tried to distort its content, change its meaning, and divert it from its purpose. Yet they had to embrace the concepts of change and transformation. They tried to do this by taking care of him. They claimed that the right change and transformation envisaged by Leader Apo is as they say. Benefiting from the Imrali torture and isolation system, in particular, by taking advantage of Leader Apo’s weak relations and contacts with the outside, they tried to distort the purpose of change and transformation by trying to overturn some Leader’s evaluations that were not explained sufficiently. Of course, this was a very poor orientation. They were flipping, they were lying. In fact, they knew well that the cadres would not accept this, but still, as a last resort, they tried to make an effort in this direction.
DEFENDING A PEOPLE CLEAR
When the situation was reflected on Leader Apo and Leader Apo had the opportunity to explain his thoughts on the organizational change on this basis in his defense titled “Defending a People” and convey this to the Movement, the masks fell and he appeared bald. All the diversions and lies of the liquidators were exposed. Therefore, the ideas of the Leadership can no longer be deflected or interpreted. The whole organization reached a point when everyone sees the truth. Thus, just as the liar’s candle burns until nightfall, so the candle of the liquidators is extinguished with the advent of the book Defending a People. With the defense that came, everything became clear. All the lie lights went out, the bulbs exploded. Liquidationism was liquidated in its own lie. Thus, change and transformation experienced more development and deepening in the Apoist line.
DEFICIENCY AND WEAKNESS IN CHANGE AND TRANSFORMATION
In general, there was a march, change and transformation on the basis of the Leadership line, but we must state here that there are two deficiencies and weaknesses in change and transformation:
* Despite the fact that all the masks of the liquidators had fallen and they were liquidated by escaping on the basis of the enlightenment of Leader Apo, their attempts to divert the essence of the change and transformation they tried to spread within the organization during the 2002-2004 period continued its effectiveness in individuals and the organization as a concept and concept. It was more effective in the beginning. Especially until the delivery of the Democratic Society Manifesto. There, until the evaluation of the liberalism critique developed by Leader Apo reached the cadres, the liquidationist concepts and understanding continued to some extent. With the Democratic Society Manifesto, this influence waned. The liquidationist understanding and distance from the literature developed more. It cannot be said to have disappeared altogether. Its effects still exist at some level, because as the Movement against liquidation we have a very planned, organized, We did not wage a full-fledged struggle. Leader Apo conducted it. He wrote defences, but we were not able to prepare books, pamphlets, reports evaluating and condemning liquidationism, and educating the cadres and the party on this basis, to fight against liquidationist influences. This has happened in education, in life, in practice. It never happened, but it was piecemeal, not whole and deep. Therefore, the liquidationist effects continued for a long time. It lived as a relic, which basically showed a distorting effect at the level of understanding and practice. It was not coherent and profound. Therefore, the liquidationist effects continued for a long time. It lived as a relic, which basically showed a distorting effect at the level of understanding and practice. It was not coherent and profound. Therefore, the liquidationist effects continued for a long time. It lived as a relic, which basically showed a distorting effect at the level of understanding and practice.
* There were deficiencies in understanding, grasping, assimilation and adoption. The effects of capitalist modernity are too much. The effects of the society on the personality are many. There are also the effects and formations of the past struggle. At the same time, due to the communication technique, there is a liberal bombardment of the party community and cadres as well as to the whole society 24 hours a day. This is done very intensely and widely through the press. It is done in such a way that no one in the world can go beyond it. Even the one who is put in dungeons, isolated from everything, and shepherds on the top of the mountain experiences the effect of this. This is actually a struggle against the assimilation and adoption of the change and transformation that Leader Apo has experienced and developed. It affects people at some level.
LIBERALISM IS A VERY SECRET ATTACK
Of course, liberalism is not an outright attack. It is a very sneaky, stealthy attack. He does not deny anything openly. It is an attack that expresses self-deception by pretending to accept it. This requires alertness and requires a level of consciousness. It needs a critical perspective. If there is weakness in these issues, then it is weak to see, understand and struggle against liberal influences.
Therefore, the change and transformation that Leader Apo has experienced, problems arise in the new era’s partisanship, guerrillaization, and democratic nationalization, and mistakes and deficiencies appear in practice. These are the subject of controversy and criticism. We can express this as the first dimension.
BRINGS A NEW DEFINITION OF REVOLUTION
The second was a paradigm shift. Change and transformation developed as concepts. It had an impact in many ways, encompassing the whole practice, but as of 2003, this became concrete as a paradigm shift at the Leadership level. The PKK has ceased to be a state-oriented and power-indexed party. It has become a democratic socialist party based on the democratic-ecological-women libertarian paradigm. It broke with the nation-state ideology. He developed the democratic nation against the nation-state. He did not define the democratic nation as a language-religion-land-economy nation. He described it as a nation of mentality and cultural unity. Therefore, he predicted that a community of people of all genders, nationalities, and beliefs could organize themselves freely and live fraternally within a democratic nation unity on the basis of democratic autonomy. This was a very important change.
Again, he replaced the state with Democratic Confederalism. He defined it as a system that accepts all kinds of oppression and exploitation of the state and expresses the dominance of a certain group over the society, instead of a system in which the society governs itself, the rulers come by election, the electors can recall the rulers whenever they want, and the democratic administration is fulfilled as a social duty. He defined it as a political system based on organized society, democratic commune and free individual. Therefore, he developed a new understanding, a new program, a new strategy and tactics, a new definition of revolution. He discussed Democratic Confederalism on the basis of Democratic Autonomy. At the top is the union of democratic confederalism. He defined it as the unity of units that have freely organized themselves at all levels. Therefore, he presented democratic autonomy and democratic confederalism, the reality of the democratic nation, as a basic model for the solution of the Kurdish national question. He also predicted that all social problems could be solved with a similar line and project.
He defined and replaced the regular army that formed the state with the self-defense of the society. By putting an end to a system in which the society defends itself with its own awareness, education and organization, and therefore the means of defense are in the hands of some segments and are used as a means of oppression and exploitation on the society, the means of defense are used for the general defense of the society, and it is not a tool for privilege, oppression and exploitation within the society. predicted the system.
Of course, he based it on women’s freedom. She considered women’s freedom as the basis and basis of all social freedoms. Again, it was based on ecological consciousness and ecological approach towards nature. He defined a system that anticipates the harmony and integrity of nature and society against the destructive, destructive and destructive approaches of all kinds of industrialist approaches.
THE PKK WAS A FOUNDATIONAL CHANGE AND TRANSFORMATION
In short, the PKK experienced a radical change and transformation. The reality of the Leadership experienced this change in the 2002-2004 period. This change and transformation spread to the whole party, developing with the Democratic Society Manifesto along with the book Defending a People. It broke with the nation-state ideology. It broke with the paradigm of power and the state. The women’s libertarian ecologist has become a new party based on the democratic society paradigm, democratic society, self-defense and democratic politics.
Therefore, the understanding of revolution, strategic and tactical approaches changed accordingly. He rejected the statist mentality that defined revolution as the destruction of a state, the establishment of a new state. It broke from him. On the contrary, he considered a development that shrinks and shrinks the state, organizes and develops a democratic society and free life based on a free individual and democratic commune on the line of a democratic nation, thus creating and protecting a democratic society against the state, and shrinking the state by enlarging it. He saw it as a revolution. He defined this as the state plus democracy, and that this will be experienced for a long time, and an understanding of struggle on the basis of shrinking and shrinking the state and constantly enlarging the democratic society by educating and organizing the democratic society, rather than to lead the revolutionaries to struggle to overthrow the state, determined that his style should be based on. This was an important change.
This completely changed our ideological-political-military approach to struggle. Our understandings, approaches, and therefore our working styles and plans during the pre-conspiracy process have changed. We did not fight the conspiracy with pre-conspiracy methods. We struggled with the new methods, style, style and tempo created by the paradigm shift. On this basis, there has been a change in our whole way of struggle, in our methods. There have been changes in our organization. These included eliminating the factors that gave rise to the conspiracy, overcoming them, and thus defeating the conspiracy.
DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL STRUGGLE STRATEGY
As another third link, we can specify the strategy of struggle. In fact, the PKK is in the Fourth Strategic Period today. The First Strategic Period was the partying period of the 1970s. The PKK was established with a strategy of struggle on the basis of revolutionary violence against agents, individuals and institutions. The Second Strategic Period was a long-term people’s war strategy against the fascist-military regime of 12 September. Until the beginning of 1990, on the basis of the 15 August Initiative, the PKK struggled with such a strategy. He developed guerrilla warfare. He wanted to make a strategic change by declaring a ceasefire in March 1993, both by evaluating the developments in the world and the Middle East at the beginning of the ’90s, and by looking at the results in Kurdistan and Turkey. He wanted to replace the People’s War Strategy with the Democratic Political Struggle Strategy, but the enemy and the system did not allow it. He wanted to destroy and liquidate the PKK with an all-out fascist-genocidal attack. Against this, the PKK carried out a great resistance until 1998. With the 1 September 1998 ceasefire, Leader Apo wanted to improve the process that was started in March 1993 but could not be carried out. The colonial-genocidal system imposed an international conspiracy on him, too.
The struggle against the international conspiracy revealed a certain level as the struggle against the death penalty in Imrali. As a matter of fact, a result emerged in January 2000. TR. system declared that it stopped implementing the death sentence given in İmralı. On the other hand, the PKK, with the 7th Congress, announced that it had made a strategic change by stopping the People’s War Strategy and that it would act with a democratic political strategy of struggle against the international conspiracy. Accordingly, he planned his own work. He organized himself. He wanted to fight the conspiracy first hand on the basis of democratic politics. With the paradigm shift, this process has become even stronger. Leader Apo and the PKK wanted to implement the KCK system, which he defined as Democratic Confederalism, on the basis of the democratic political struggle strategy, by fighting with democratic politics without engaging in political conflict. He developed the theory of this, made plans accordingly, took decisions, developed organizations. On this basis, he gave importance and priority to the political struggle. Although the use of weapons was partially on the agenda on June 1, 2004, the period from 2000 to 2010 was a period of democratic political struggle.
If there had been a change in mentality and politics in the colonial-genocide system, if they had based the struggle on a political level rather than a military one, Leader Apo and the PKK would have continued their strategy of democratic political struggle and would have tried to realize the KCK solution through a democratic political struggle, but the AKP administration , by making an alliance with the USA, reversed this process especially from 2007-2008-2009. It put obstacles in the way of democratic political struggle. He tried to liquidate democratic politics. He arrested democratic political forces. He tortured. It made democratic politics unworkable.
Democratic political tools; parties and associations. However, the results of the 29 March 2009 local elections actually created an excellent opportunity for a political solution to the Kurdish question on the basis of democratic local governments. Against this, the AKP responded with the 14 April 2009 political genocide operations. He arrested elected mayors and party leaders. He developed the pressure on Leader Apo. This process led to the November 17 coup d’etat and the closure of the Democratic Society Party on 11 December. Thus, he left no opportunity and opportunity to wage a political struggle and solve problems on the basis of democratic politics. Thereupon, Leader Apo announced his withdrawal on May 31, 2010. “There is no opportunity to make politics, to wage a political struggle, to solve problems on the basis of democratic politics.
FOURTH STRATEGIC PERIOD STARTED
The PKK changed its strategy as of June 1, 2010. It ended the third strategic period and started the fourth strategic period. This was the Revolutionary People’s War Period. He expressed that the people’s war implemented in the 1980s was renewed on the basis of a new paradigm and implemented in the form of a new strategic line. The struggle continues on the basis of such a strategy to this day.
Now such a strategic shift has taken place in the fight against the conspiracy. In 2000, the democratic political struggle strategy was taken as the basis, and the third strategic period was started. In 2010, the third strategic period was ended and the fourth strategic period was started, the Revolutionary People’s War Strategy was taken as the basis, and the struggle style and tactics were tried to be developed on this basis.
We also experienced such a change in the strategy and tactics of the struggle against international conspiracy. We experienced this change at the leadership level. We have experienced this change, partly at the party and popular level. We still struggle on this basis. To what extent has this strategic change and the tactical and style renewals it necessitated realized and achieved? Indeed, there are serious deficiencies and errors in this regard. In fact, there was a situation where we could not enter the Revolutionary People’s War Strategy. It was a bit of an unacceptable situation. The habits created by the democratic political struggle strategy could not be overcome. It turned into an understanding, and strategic change could not be sufficiently foreseen and based on. Already today’s difficulties and problems stem from this. The shortcomings are there.
Without these shortcomings, no matter how aggressive the AKP-MHP fascism may be, it would certainly not have been possible for it to survive and maintain its rule. By now it would have been demolished and tossed aside. The potential to fight fascism and genocide in Kurdistan and Turkey was this strong. Therefore, the existence of AKP-MHP fascism to this day stems from the PKK and other revolutionary organizations’ inability to fight with a correct strategic understanding and rich tactical approach, rather than its own strength. It’s based on it.
From this point of view, Leader Apo’s line has become practical at a limited level. It is still limited in PKK, Kurdish people, women, youth, in Kurdistan. We cannot say that the change-transformation, paradigm shift, strategic change, strategic and tactical understandings that Leader Apo went through were correctly and adequately understood and successfully put into practice. This is happening on a limited level. There is a practical application that has many mistakes. Being followed behind. As Central Headquarters often expresses, there is a defensive mentality that takes things backwards and executes poorly in practice. There is a lot of fragmentation, so the concretization of these in the PKK and the Kurdish people is just developing. It is in the beginning. It has reached a limited level. All developments are actually based on this change and transformation. We need to express this.
There is a new trend in the spillover of this situation beyond the PKK and Kurdistan. Leadership ideas are partially spreading at the regional and global level. There are international studies. Especially through the Rojava Revolution, women and young people became more acquainted with the idea of Leadership. They saw the Women’s Freedom Revolution, again the democratic nation, democratic confederalism project. They are quite influential in the region and the world. Both Jineology, Women’s Freedom Revolution and Democratic Confederalism, Democratic Nation projects are solutions for all problems. Everyone sees the solution for their own problems here. Therefore, they affect where it reaches. It also puts it into action. But this is still in its infancy. The new is spreading. The fight against ISIS and the Rojava Revolution spread a little bit of this.
Now the developments in Eastern Kurdistan and Iran are impressive in this direction. In fact, it is insufficient to be internalized, adopted and put into action both in Kurdistan and in the world. But the level of influence is very strong. It is extremely convincing, educational, organizing, hopeful, and action-oriented. It brings courage and sacrifice. The line, style, strategy and tactics of Leader Apo’s struggle against the conspiracy are impressive at this level. It takes action by deeply affecting the place it reaches. It is certain that the development of this will lead to a great revolutionary change-transformation both in Kurdistan and in the world, and that it will create revolutionary upheavals.
The Kurdish People’s Leader responded to the international conspiratorial forces in the Imrali process with the paradigm of democratic modernity and the democratic nation system. How did the conspiracy affect the 3. Leadership Emergence process?
Since the Kurdish genocidal system is based on the global hegemonic structure of capitalist modernity, breaking away from the genocidal system, attaining a free Kurdish existence, wanting to exist and live as a free Kurd made it necessary to break away from the system. The break with the Kurdish genocide system also included a break with the global system of capitalist modernity. The leadership’s birth, the PKK’s being an ideological group, and its becoming a party took place entirely according to the fact of this rupture. While many other Kurdish organizations seem to exist and struggle within the system without breaking with the Kurdish genocidal system, the PKK, unlike these, was based on a complete break with the system, because the Kurdish existence and freedom could only develop on this basis. To exist as a free Kurd also required breaking away from the global hegemonic capitalist modernity system that created the Kurdish genocide system. The claim that I will be a free Kurd without breaking with the capitalist modernity system was an empty claim, a baseless opinion, a deception, a delusion, and a dream. Many powers have experienced this fallacy. Their aim was to create the material environment for living petty-bourgeois individualism. Therefore, they did not want to get to the heart of the matter too much. In fact, as they saw the essence of the matter in this way, they tended to flee and break away from there.
Leader Apo was not like them. Leader Apo was serious and sincere. He did not use the Kurdish problem as a tool for his own life, but devoted himself to the struggle to truly exist and liberate the Kurdish people. He envisioned living as a free Kurd. When he reached this consciousness and stepped into such a life, he saw that this was not within the capitalist modernity system, but required a break from the system. When he saw it, he did not hesitate in such a break. We call this the Leadership exit. In fact, the Leadership exit meant this break with the first Leadership system. This break at the leadership level turned into a natural understanding, organization, life and struggle. Everyone who joined the leadership had to break out of the system in a similar way.
It is very important for the PKK to break away from the system in this way from the beginning. Although it has not yet crossed the line of the nation-state, global capitalist modernity based on the nation-state was practically experiencing a break with the system. He was defending the nation-state as an idea, and was breaking away from it in practice. The main contradiction within the PKK has actually been experienced in this way for a long time. There was such a contradiction. For this reason, he considered the primitive Kurdish nationalism of other organizations and the reformist submissive Kurdish nationalism as systemism. He was severely criticized. He saw this autonomic approach of theirs as not being able to break away from the system. He evaluated that his break from the system could be achieved with a very sharp nation-state, he believed in this, and on this basis he defended the nation-state line very intensely and sharply. Theoretically, he always predicted the nation-state line in the intellectual plane. He tended to develop an organization and struggle aimed at creating a nation-state.
Later, when the September 12 fascist-military coup developed, this structure, which meant going abroad against the coup, and turning to the guerrilla on the mountain of Kurdistan by considering the guerrilla as the main struggle against the coup, further developed and deepened. It shaped him. It created tangibility. It brought a level of realization in practice. This situation gradually deepened the internal conflict that existed in the PKK. On the one hand, the nation-state line is taken as a basis. Efforts were being made for a nation-state solution to the Kurdish problem. On the other hand, there was a break with the nation-state global system. Breaking with the Kurdish genocidal system, existing as a free Kurd, organizing and struggling required a break with the global nation-state system, the system on which the Kurdish genocidal system was based. Breakout developed in practical stance. There was a concept of nation-state in thought. The power of thought and practical experience of the PKK was not enough to resolve this contradiction at that time, and in fact, the PKK considered that the Kurdish problem could not be resolved in the previous resistance processes because the nation-state line could not be carried out in a strong, effective and organized manner. Therefore, he deepened himself more in this area, but the developments in the ’90s revealed that the solution to this issue would not be so fast. Although the national resurrection revolution, serhildans, brought about by the implementation of the guerilla for a period of time, revealed an important situation in Northern Kurdistan, a nation-state solution did not occur quickly, either politically or militarily, as in other colonial countries and societies. In this situation, Leader Apo tended to deepen the ideological line more and to understand the reasons for this more.
GUERILLATION IN THE FEDAI LINE AND BINDING THE PARTY TO THE GUERILLA
Guerrilla measures in other countries TC in Kurdistan. It was not enough to develop the struggle against fascist-genocidal colonialism. Therefore, it was seen that only a guerrilla in the line of a bodyguard could do this, and the PKK, based on the evaluations of the 3rd Congress since 1986, has considered the guerrilla as a guerrilla in the line of a body of a bodyguard. On the other hand, he connected the party to the guerrilla. He evaluated the line foreseen for the guerrilla as the ideological line of the party. Therefore, he defined the professional revolutionism experienced by the party as a revolutionism on a self-defense-militant line. He treated the party and the guerrilla together as a whole. It was an opening. These were important initiatives for him to develop the struggle, prevent defeat, and continue the freedom war. It gave strength to the PKK, it added strength.
WOMEN’S LIBERTY REVOLUTION HAS STARTED
Along with these, he envisaged to develop the Women’s Freedom Line as a similar expansion, thus to deepen more in free life and social freedom, and to define sacrifice as a life along the line of women’s freedom. At this level, it deepened and broadened the ideological level of the revolution. Thus, she brought the Women’s Freedom Struggle to the agenda. She started the Women’s Freedom Revolution. In this framework, it has reached the level of inclusion and influencing women more powerfully and effectively. While previously playing a role as a mass struggle force, a support force, women became a force that partied, guerrilla, led the society and participated in the revolution on the basis of such an ideological definition. These were the main factors that sustained and strengthened the PKK revolution in the 1990s.
In fact, in the early 1990s, while Real Socialism was dissolved and all Communist-Socialist Movements were falling into the background, the PKK’s preservation, survival and even further development depended on these factors. It should be noted that these were an ideological deepening. It was a kind of response to the contradictory situation the PKK was going through, but it wasn’t an entirely adequate response either.
As a result, such a party deepened, developed and spread the guerrilla war and the national liberation struggle in the ’90s, based on the ideological deepening on the basis of guerrillaization and women’s liberation revolution. The PKK turned this into a great war. If the 15th of August is taken as the beginning, an uninterrupted 15-year national liberation war was waged on the line of the nation-state until the international conspiracy on 9 October 1998. It was normally a war equivalent to wars waged by peoples in colonial countries. In terms of duration, violence and social participation, it was not weaker than the average national liberation movements, but above it. Therefore, a solution similar to the solution created by this level of war in every country had to emerge in Kurdistan.
As a matter of fact, we can also evaluate that Leader Apo thought about this when he decided to go to Europe on October 9, 1998. Such a great war was fought. There are realities revealed by this, political-military-organizational consequences. With the thought that if we combine these results with the democratic discourses of Europe, then we can achieve a political solution to the Kurdistan problem, Leader Apo made his exit to Europe in the face of the conspiratorial imposition. He also developed policies that paved the way for a solution; He presented a highly analytical 8-point program in Rome. He called on everyone to deal with the problem, to discuss it and to be an interlocutor to the problem on the basis of such a program.
Here we need to see that the 15-year guerrilla war was actually a national liberation war sufficient to solve all colonial and national problems. Again, the political solution project put forward by Leader Apo in Rome was the most reasonable and sufficient project for the political solution of normal national and colonial problems. But what was the result? It was an international conspiracy. Neither the nation-state solution envisaged by the 15-year war took place, nor did the European environment take action with the 8-point political solution program, taking steps towards a political solution to the Kurdish problem. Annihilation was imposed on the Leader who carried out all these works. The road to Imrali was shown. It was seen that the Imrali torture and isolation system was debunked and abandoned. This is what the reality of the international conspiracy expresses.
THE SYSTEM IS CLOSED TO THE KURDISH NATION STATE
Leader Apo lived through all these and faced the reality of the conspiracy on this basis and evaluated everything that had happened in the face of the imposition of the conspiracy. What did he value most? Neither the war nor the politics carried out in Kurdistan were insufficient for a nation-state solution to the Kurdish problem. It was even overdone. It was more in terms of both content and duration. In that case, a solution similar to the one realized in other countries should have taken place in Kurdistan as well. This is how the normal process should have worked. But what was the practical process like? Instead of a solution, annihilation came to the agenda. There was an encounter with the International Conspiracy. Imrali’s policy of rebuttal was put into a system of isolation and torture. What did this mean? What did this reality in the person of Leader Apo express? This means that the solution to the Kurdish problem is not like the solution of national and colonial problems in other countries. There is no nation-state solution in Kurdistan. The global system, the nation-state structure, is closed for a nation-state solution to the Kurdish problem. Just as entering the struggle for Kurdish existence and freedom required breaking away from the life of the system, in fact, making the Kurdish existence and freedom a practical solution requires changing this system. There is no solution based on being a part of this system. in fact, turning the Kurdish existence and freedom into a practical solution requires changing this system. There is no solution based on being a part of this system. in fact, turning the Kurdish existence and freedom into a practical solution requires changing this system. There is no solution based on being a part of this system.
THE STATUS IN THE SOUTH IS NOT TO CREATE THE KURDISH STATE
In this regard, the Hewlêr-centered structure, the so-called “Kurdish status quo” in Southern Kurdistan, is not a solution system. It should not be misleading, should not be misunderstood. It certainly does not include a nation-state solution. The system in Southern Kurdistan was revealed against the PKK. Otherwise, it is not to solve the Kurdish problem, not to create the Kurdish nation-state. In practice this revealed itself clearly along with the conspiracy. Otherwise, the struggle waged by the PKK should have revealed a Kurdish status quo, the nation-state structure at least as in Southern Kurdistan, and the system should have consented to this. However, we have seen that this is not the case. So, why was it said yes in Southern Kurdistan? It was said yes because he was fighting against the PKK. Even if they stop the war against the PKK, they will not maintain this status quo for a day. In this respect, the reality of Southern Kurdistan should not be misleading. Looking at the Kurdish reality, The solution methods of the Kurdish problem should not be evaluated. Those who do so always misjudge. They go to PKK hostility. However, their own existence depends on the existence of the PKK. As soon as the PKK does not exist, they are doomed to disappear.
We saw this: In fact, embarking on a struggle required a break with the system. Destroying the Kurdish genocidal mentality and politics and solving the Kurdish problem on the basis of freedom and democracy actually required changing the system. In order for this to happen, the system that implemented colonialism and genocidalism in Kurdistan required a change on the basis of democratization, from colonialist-genocidal states to the hegemonic capitalist system, let alone the hegemonic system.
THIS IS HOW THE IDEOLOGICAL CRAZY WAS OVER
In fact, this is how the paradigm shift, the insolvency of the nation-state ideology, a new ideological search for its place and the development of a democratic nation ideology emerged. In his book titled “From the Sumerian Priest State to Democratic Civilization”, which he presented to the ECtHR in 2001, Leader Apo stated that the PKK was experiencing an ideological crisis, and therefore could not continue under the name PKK unless this crisis was resolved, and asked for its name to be changed. The ideological crisis was experienced on this basis. How was this ideological crisis overcome? It was overcome by breaking away from the nation-state ideology and revealing the democratic nation ideology and taking it as a basis. It was overcome with the realization of the paradigm shift that envisaged the democratic nation ideology.
It didn’t all come about in the attacks of international conspiracy and the struggle against it. From the very beginning, there was such a state of development and problem in the PKK. Starting from the 3rd Congress in 1986, both the self-devotion in the party and the guerrilla, and the initiation and development of the women’s liberation movement, along with ideological deepening and the search for solutions to ideological problems, developed more. These were the main pillars that led to the successful development of the practice in the 1990s. But what did the international conspiracy show? No matter how much the party and guerrilla sacrifice, no matter how much the women’s freedom line is developed, the Kurdish problem cannot be solved with the ideology of the nation state, the understanding and system of power and state. The Kurdish people cannot be liberated. The women’s freedom struggle does not go to success.
In fact, the international conspiracy showed Leader Apo these facts. It revealed the contradiction in the understanding more clearly, and the concentration on them brought about an ideological revolution, and therefore the resolution of the ideological crisis. Leader Apo overcame the depression he expressed in 2001 with a paradigm shift. The new ideological line; defined the democratic nation line. new political administration; He defined democratic confederalism based on democratic autonomy. New defense; He described it as a system of democratic self-government and self-defense. In essence, he developed the democratic society paradigm based on women’s liberation and ecology, which is not authoritarian and non-statist, as the basic mentality of the new party, which will realize all these as a paradigm. He experienced a paradigm shift. Therefore, the PKK, against the insolubility of the global capitalist modernity system, it has made itself a solution power with its democratic nation line. By resolving the PKK’s contradictions in terms of understanding, which paved the way for the international conspiracy, it enabled the PKK to overcome the international conspiracy and the mentality and politics on the ideological-political line, thus revealing an understanding and policy that would solve the Kurdish problem at a level that would defeat the international conspiracy. This was to overcome the international conspiracy, thus revealing that the international conspiracy can be defeated by fighting. therefore, it enabled him to come up with an understanding and policy that would solve the Kurdish problem at a level that would defeat the international conspiracy. This was to overcome the international conspiracy, thus revealing that the international conspiracy can be defeated by fighting. therefore, it enabled him to come up with an understanding and policy that would solve the Kurdish problem at a level that would defeat the international conspiracy. This was to overcome the international conspiracy, thus revealing that the international conspiracy can be defeated by fighting.
THIRD-LEADING RISE
Leader Apo says, “Were it not for the international conspiracy and the İmralı process, we would not have experienced such deep intellectual concentration, change and transformation.” He states that this is important to him. Undoubtedly, this assessment is very important. It expresses the paradigm shift and this is how the Third Leader Birth took place on this basis. These are quite significant. But it is also necessary to understand correctly. It would not be true if we say that the force of international conspiracy alone led to this. There is once before this process. Without that accumulation, the international conspiracy and the İmralı process alone would not have brought such a process.
On the other hand, how did the international conspiracy process lead the Leader to such a change, transformation, the Third Leadership Emergence? It would be more accurate to say that it did not by forcing it, but by revealing that the previous nation-state line’s failure, insolubility, would not materialize. The leadership saw this reality with conspiracy. Because although he did both war and politics as much as necessary, he could not get what he wanted and wanted. So, he asked the question why did this happen and concentrated on it, researched it. He saw that this is not because he fought less, did less politics. On the contrary, the nation solution is not the solution, there is no such freedom or independence. It is falsely said that the state is being established, I am free. On the second day, they are reconnected to the system and become a collaborator slave.
What happened all over the world in the name of national liberation movements during the 20th century became what it is today. So actually this is not a solution. Secondly, even such a solution is blocked in Kurdistan. The system doesn’t even allow that. In that case, no solution can be created, no result can be obtained through the search for a nation-state. For a solution, it is necessary to reach other understandings and political projects. Their search and concentration led Leader Apo to a paradigm shift, a democratic nation line and a democratic confederalism project based on democratic autonomy. It created a mentality and ideology that is not authoritarian and non-statist. He liberated socialism and democracy from the monopoly of the state and power, united them among themselves and defined democratic socialism. He defined the democratic nation as its social project. She defined democratic autonomy and democratic confederalism as her political project and based all this on women’s liberation and social ecology. This was overcoming the deadlock at the Leadership level and making the solution viable, finding and realizing the solution. The Third Leadership Emergence represents such a development.
