CENTRAL NEWS
Among Erdogans countless alternative armies, or sheep of sacrifice, is a herd of villagers, untrained and handed guns on the basis of collaborating with the State against guerrilla forces.
Applying different policies in every part of Kurdistan, the Turkish state uses its alternative “national army,” FSA jihadists in the occupation attempts in Rojava. Another one of his alternative “army” is the villagers who have been handed weapons and a scrubby wage to fight the acclaimed operation Claw-the-third.
Over the past days, hundreds of village guards from Şırnak were sent to the KRG controlled, Southern Kurdistan for a military operation. It was reported that those who refused to join the operation were forced to resign.
Hundreds of village guards in Uludere and Beytüşşebap districts of Şırnak were gathered at the gendarmerie stations on 22 October. The guards were reported to have shifted to operation areas over the Çukurca and Şemdinli districts in the border line of Hakkari. It has been reported that Turkish forces have also transported containers to the occupation border.
Who are the untrained village guards Erdogan is sending to war?
The relationship of mutual respect between guerrillas and villagers is only the surface of an ideological richness. As the PKK (Kurdistan Workers Party) has been ideologically crystalized, it has done so by being open to the influences and learning from the mistakes of many theories and movements. Along with Marxism-Leninism, it also carries the characteristics laid out by the likes of Mao. While the Marxist-Leninist tradition regarded peasants as incapable of revolutionary initiative and only marginally useful in backing urban proletarian efforts, maoism and, thus the PKK, recognise the energy and historical, traditional and revolutionairy value of these people.
In the past years, the Turkish state who was previously making arbitrary, uncalculated moves in attempts to liquidate the Kurdistan freedom movement, has been revising the ideology composed by the peoples leader Abdullah Ocalan. And thus, the use of villagers against a movement which wishes to liberate the peoples derrives from a strategic, immoral but fundamentally crucial place because the guerrillas who have a sentimental, philosophic connection with every stone of their mother land, also happen to know the geography well enough to guide themselves through mountains in pitch-dark.
As the Turkish state proves with the use of villagers, such an in-depth knowledge cannot easily be gained by the use of paid soldiers against an army of warriors that are spiritually connected to the soil of the region. Along comes Erdogans ‘village guard’ project.
The project, as claimed by the deceitful Erdogan, is formed of over 60,000 villagers who have been handed weapons, untrained, and earn lower than minimum wage on the terms that they assist the gendarmerie. In plain terms, these villagers carry the role of collaborating with the government against guerrilla forces in specifically selected regions.
The aim of this project travels far beyond geographical advantage, as it carries a more symbolic meaning. The villagers used are mostly from Kurdish origin and have nationalistic (Turkish) tendancies. They are a smaller fraction of the betreyal policies the Turkish state aims to achieve with the Kurdistan Regional Government. The focus is to create Kurdish hostility among Kurds.
This unprofessional gathering of collaborators have no status or societal value and the only thing these villagers share in common is that they quickly become despised by their own communities due to their lack of honour and dignity. Should they die in the proccess they are not compensated in any way.
Some of the requirements of being a village guard includes to accept being deprived of public rights, speaking Turkish well, and being a citizen of the Turkish state. Should the village guards wish to put a letter of complaint forward, they’re earnings are cut by a third, instantly.
